In this large-scale simulation exercise, using the performance parameters of the Pakistani army's F-16C/D fighters to simulate the Taiwan military's F-16A/B improved fighters, the PLA can still be able to solve the battle in the air within two hours in a fair showdown in which the opponent is fully prepared, and only needs to dispatch ten main J-10C flight regiments.

In the face of the attack of the J-20 and J-21, most of the air defense system on the Taiwan side will be destroyed in the first round of attacks, not to mention that there are still a large number of ground-to-ground missiles targeting, shadow drones and reconnaissance satellites in the sky, which can make all the movements of the Taiwan side show in front of the PLA.

After destroying the air defense forces on the Taiwan side, at least 500 Destroyer B drones and 100 Flying Leopard fighters carrying ground attack weapons can be dispatched at a time, and after two to three rounds of saturation attacks, most of the armored forces and positional defenses of the Taiwan side will cease to exist.

The main J-10C and J-20/J-21 fighters, which have completed their air combat missions, have long since been reassembled in the air over Taiwan and are ready to crush possible military intervention by the US military with the support of land-based radar and airborne early warning aircraft.

The F-22 and F-35, which have lost most of their stealth effects, have no chance of winning in the face of the wolf pack tactics launched by the J-10C group led by the J-20 and J-21, and the best result is to go back in disgrace, and if it really approaches the sky over Taiwan, the Chinese side does not mind taking decisive measures to inflict heavy damage on it.

If the US military wants to gather enough air power, then it must mobilize at least five aircraft carrier formations, and then concentrate the forces stationed at the stick and the Japanese base, and to complete the assembly of this force is obviously not something that can be completed in a day or two; in this large amount of time, the PLA has almost cleared the armored troops, heavy artillery positions, and other heavy firepower on the Taiwan island, and a large number of PLA troops should have landed on Taiwan Island at this time.

This large-scale computer-simulated exercise has fully taken into account the forces of several quarters near Taiwan Island, and when a large number of PLA troops land on Taiwan Island, it can be said that the overall situation of the entire campaign has been decided. The Chinese navy and air force, which use the occupied air bases and naval bases on Taiwan Island as new bases, will be more comfortable in facing the US combined fleet coming from afar.

As for the US Army, if the more than 20,000 US GIs stationed in the Ryukyus dare to land on Taiwan after the PLA has landed on the island, it can really be said that they have commendable courage and stupid decision-making.

That is to say, directly with upright soldiers, we will have an absolute advantage in this battle, crushing all possible enemies to the fullest.

The difference is only in how much the final loss will be. If the Taiwan military, which has lost its heavy firepower, decides to rely on the urban area to engage in street fighting, the end of the entire campaign will inevitably be greatly extended, and the casualties among the military and civilians will also rise sharply by an order of magnitude.

Therefore, if the authorities above make up their minds to resolve the Taiwan issue in the short term, we do not have to worry at all about letting the Taiwan military personnel understand the reality of our army, and the absolute strength of our army at present can only make them panic even more, and they will not be able to narrow this huge gap at all in the short term.

After the revision of the new draft plan, the No. 1 chief took out the plan of the General Staff Department for discussion in the Politburo, and sure enough, no one in other areas had much opinion, and it was nothing more than an alternative plan.

However, on the issue of giving a seat to the Politburo, this is a bit of a big disagreement, and it is not how much power this seat can have, there are more than 20 positions in the Politburo, and one seat is at most a symbolic meaning. But it is this symbolism that has caused conservative members to have some doubts about the direction of the No. 1 chief's administration.

In their view, this is a dangerous signal and a sabotage of our dictatorship, and if we simply want to improve Taiwan's political status, even if we give a current vice chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, vice chairman of the National People's Congress, or even vice president of the state, it can be discussed, but the Politburo, the inner circle of decision-making, has entered an outlier, and it is really a lot of imagination.

What's more, after the No. 1 leader also released the rumors, the head of Hong Kong Island may also have this qualification, so it may be one seat today, and whether it will become three or five seats tomorrow or in the future, this is a big problem.

Therefore, more than one-third of the committee members strongly opposed this suggestion, and this sign of threatening the entire big system cannot be easily opened, otherwise once this head is opened, it will be difficult for anyone to say that it will not be able to be contained in the future, and the person named Gorbachev who has learned from the past is not far away, and the person who opposes it the most among the people present has even bluntly put this matter on the table.

In terms of internal party affairs, the No. 1 leader has great authority, but that is the handling of internal affairs, many of which are conventions and norms, and no matter how the decision is made, it will not endanger the operation of the entire system, so everyone respects the decision of the No. 1 leader very much, and even if there is a dispute over most things, the No. 1 leader can completely decide in a word after communication.

However, for a major matter like today's one involving the system, we cannot allow No. 1 to act arbitrarily.

The meeting was noisy for a day without a final result, seeing that everyone was backlashing so fiercely, the No. 1 leader was also a little surprised, although this proposal was a little radical in his opinion, but there was no essential change, and he also heard the opponents questioning whether it was necessary to take the road of a multi-party system.

Although the No. 1 leader categorically rejects this view, this can only be qualified in the capacity of the head of the SAR, not a political party, because the head of the SAR can be a certain party or no party affiliation, and it depends on the choice of the people of the SAR, as long as they do not oppose the Basic Law of the SAR, the central authorities can accept it to people with separatist tendencies, and the autonomy of local administrative affairs in the SAR is very sufficient.

Therefore, in the view of the No. 1 leader, giving the head of the SAR an opportunity to participate in the core decision-making power is a measure to achieve limited and transparent decision-making, which has nothing to do with the multi-party system, and his own comrades are too sensitive.

In the end of the debate, Chief No. 1 reached a compromise with everyone, and this special seat in the Politburo was used as a last resort, and only when the Taiwan authorities were willing to sit down and talk and the progress reached a certain stage, when the political status of the vice chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, the vice chairman of the National People's Congress, and even the vice president of the state could not meet their demands, this killer weapon was offered.

In terms of the action plan of the General Staff Headquarters, this suggestion was quietly erased, and it did not appear on any paper plan of the General Staff Headquarters, except for a very few high-ranking generals such as General Yang who knew that there had been such a thing.