It's the last day of the end of the month, and it's just this opportunity to focus on the answers to the questions that have appeared during this time and have a high degree of attention.

- Liu Jia's identity.

According to the public information that can be found at present, "Historical Records, Volume 51, Jing Yan Wu Biography 21" records: Jing King Liu Jia, Zhu Liu, I don't know where it was at the beginning.

Translation: Liu Jia, the king of Jing, is a relative of the Liu family, and I don't know who Liu Jia was controlled by when Gaozu Liu Bang got into trouble.

In this seemingly irresponsible sentence, it is not difficult for us to see that Taishi Gong actually has two layers of meaning.

1. When Gaozu got into trouble, I don't know where this product came from.

In other words, before Liu Bang's incident, Liu Jia had no communication with Liu Bang, or Liu Xuan, or even the previous generation of Wei Fenggong Liu Xuan.

In modern terms, Liu Bang was originally 'poor in the downtown and no one asked', but once he raised an army against Qin, he was 'rich in the mountains and had distant relatives', and Liu Jia, a distant relative who couldn't beat him, came to defect.

Second, the relationship between Liu Jia and the Liu clan, mainly Liu Bang's lineage, can no longer be verified.

In other words, there is no way to verify Liu Jia's specific lineage in the Liu clan and the detailed kinship with Gaozu Liu Bang.

In the case that the "Historical Records" said that he did not know, and Ma Qian of the Taishi Company personally admitted that it could not be verified, the "Book of Han", which is generally considered to be the historical records plus, appeared a rather interesting record.

"Hanshu, Volume 35, Jingyan Wu Biography Fifth": Liu Jia, King of Jing, Emperor Gao's father and brother, I don't know when it first started.

Like the "Historical Records", it has a slightly irresponsible sentence of 'I don't know when it first started' - I don't know the situation when I followed Gaozu Liu Bang at the beginning.

However, unlike the rigorous attitude of 'Liu Jia, Zhu Liu (one)' in the "Historical Records", there is a record in the "Book of Han" that has no source of evidence and no convincingness: Liu Jia, Emperor Gao's father and brother.

The word 'from father and brother', whether in historical records or ancient readings, has a high frequency of occurrence, and the meaning is mostly 'cousin or cousin among distant relatives'.

However, according to the information that the author can currently consult, until the Tang Dynasty, the definition of 'from father and brother' was still very clear.

Tang Yan Shigu's "Notes on the Book of Han": The son of the father's brother is also the brother of the father; Words are the same ancestor, and they are separated from their fathers.

This means that the son of the father's brother is 'from the father's brother' or 'from the father's brother', indicating that the grandfather is the same person, and from the father's generation it is divided into two branches.

With this definition, the record of Liu Jia in the Book of Han is even less reliable.

- Since the father's brother refers to the son of the father's brother, that is, the uncle's son, that is, the cousin who is often referred to now, then Liu Jia, as the 'brother of Emperor Gao', should be older than Liu Bang.

And Liu Jia's father should be the brother of Emperor Liu Xuan, that is, the ancestor of the Liu family in Pengcheng, the son of Liu Ren (Liu Rong), Duke of Weifeng.

But unfortunately, according to the genealogical records of the Liu family in the "Pengcheng County Pengcheng Hall Ancestor Rong Gong" that has been circulated in the world, only the only son of Liu Ren, the Duke of Wei Feng, can be found: Liu Xuan, the Emperor Taishang.

From this point, we can draw a conclusion with a high probability that there is no mistake: Liu Xuan, the emperor of the emperor, is the only son of Liu Ren, the Duke of Wei Feng.

In this way, the statement of 'Liu Jia, Gaozu from his father and brother' immediately became untenable.

- From father and brother from father and brother, your father and my father are brothers, we have a grandfather in common, right?

However, according to the genealogy of the Liu family, Liu Jia's father is obviously unlikely to be the son of Wei Fenggong, and the identity of Liu Jia is more likely to be a distant relative who is more estranged from Wei Fenggong.

In addition to the relationship between his father and Wei Fenggong, Liu Jia's age is also difficult to meet the saying that 'Gaozu follows his father and brother'.

From the definition of father-brother, that is, cousin, it can be said that it has not changed for thousands of years - the son of an uncle, who is older than himself, is a father/cousin.

In other words, as the father and brother of Gaozu Liu Bang, Liu Jia is older than Liu Bang.

In this way, the problem is much simpler.

You might as well phenomenon such a picture: in the fifth year of Gaozu of the Han Dynasty, that is, in 202 BC, Liu Bang, the fifty-five-year-old king of Han, personally pursued Xiang Yu to Guling, and sent Liu Jianan, who was older than himself, to cross the Huai River to surround Shouchun······

——The story of the fifty-five-year-old Liu Bang, who was able to wrestle with Xiang Yu, the overlord in his prime, and finally succeeded in establishing Hanzuo, is irreplaceable enough.

Under this premise, it is a little unrealistic to think that an old clan member who is more than 55 years old, at 2,200 thousand years when the average life expectancy of human beings is no more than 30 years old, was ordered by the Son of Heaven to first cut off Xiang Yu's grain road, and then crossed the river to fight against the Yingbu army under Xiang Yu's command at that time.

Combined with the above research content, the assistant officials can come to the following conclusions without shame: Regarding the kinship between Liu Jia, the king of Jing, and Liu Bang, the record of 'a relative, but I don't know what kind of relationship it is' in the "Historical Records" should be more accurate, while the record in the "Book of Han" that directly concludes that 'Liu Jia, Emperor Gao's father and brother are also' is obviously not convincing at all.

In this book, it follows the background of 'it is a relative, but the specific kinship is unknown', giving Liu Jia'an a generation younger than Liu Bang and Liu Jia, which is fabricated, not historical facts, and there is no historical evidence to testify, just a simple setting.

In addition to Liu Jia, the content of the Anglo-Bu rebellion has been written in the last few chapters, and there are also some problems that need to be explained.

Yingbu is Jiujiang Liuyi, at the beginning it was also because of his hometown and was named the king of Jiujiang by Xiang Yu, and then Liu Bang was renamed the king of Huainan, in fact, it was not transferred, but on the basis of the original fiefdom, that is, Jiujiang County, Hengshan County was added, and the two counties were Huainan Kingdom.

The two counties of Jiujiang and Hengshan were originally the territory of Wu in the Spring and Autumn Period, and were later incorporated into the Yue Kingdom with the destruction of Wu by Goujian, the king of Yue; In the early Warring States period, King Huai of Chu destroyed Yue, and the two counties of Jiujiang and Hengshan were merged into the Chu State.

The specific content is relatively clear in the main text, and the final conclusion has also been drawn in the main text: in the early Han Dynasty, the two counties of Jiujiang and Hengshan can be regarded as 'Wu land' in the traditional sense, to be precise, Wubei, and most of the people from Jiujiang and Hengshan also claim to be Wu people, not Yue people and Chu people.

It's just that compared with the people of Changsha who agree more with Wu Wangfucha, as well as the 'people of Baiyue' such as Nanyue, Minyue, Nanhai, and Dongyue, who are further south, the people of Jiujiang and Hengshan counties do not have such a deep sense of identity with Wu Wangfucha in the Spring and Autumn Period, but they also have a little nostalgia.

Speaking of which, I have to mention something that appears many times in the article, but I never found the right opportunity to talk about it in detail.

——The Wu family, the king of Changsha in the early Han Dynasty, is indeed a descendant of Wu Wangfucha.

According to the "Hongyuan Wu Family Genealogy" rebuilt in the eighth year of Guangxu of the Qing Dynasty (1882 AD), and the "Wu Family Genealogy" of Poyang Jifeng, Wu Rui should be the eleventh grandson of Fucha and the thirty-third grandson of Taibo, the ancestor of Wu State;

"Shangrao Regional Chronicles" (1997 edition) is called the seventh grandson - in 473 BC, the Yue Kingdom destroyed the Wu State, and the Yue King Goujian killed the husband and chased the husband's family; The sons and grandsons of the king of Wu scattered and took refuge, and the prince Hong, Wang Zihui and his children, with the defeat of Wu Guonan, crossed Hutou Mountain and Wuyuan Gonggong Mountain from Xiuning, Anhui Province respectively, and hid in remote areas such as Yaoli, Jiulong, Jinzhushan, Jiaotan, and Fugang in Fuliang to survive.

In 248 BC, Wu Rui's father, Wu Shen, was relegated to Fanyi (present-day Poyang) to settle down.

Wu Rui, the king of Changsha, was originally a Chu person (Chu Min), and after Qin opened the world, he was appointed as the first county commander of Qin Fanyi, and at the same time, Wu Rui was also the first Qin official to raise troops to respond to the uprising, that is, an official of the Qin State.

After the death of Qin, Wu Rui also became one of the eighteen princes divided by Xiang Yu, and was awarded the title of King of Hengshan and Tuhengshan County.

After the overlord Xiang Yu self-slaughtered Wujiang, Xiang Yu's eighteenth princes were also reshuffled, and Wu Rui, the king of Hengshan, was moved to the king of Changsha, and its original land Hengshan County was also incorporated into the fiefdom of King Yingbu of Jiujiang, collectively called: Huainan Kingdom.

In the second year after Liu Bang became emperor, Wu Rui died of illness, but he had a different surname from most of the princes in the early Han Dynasty······

To be precise: it is different from any prince with a different surname in the early Han Dynasty, in the time of Wu Rui, Liu Bang, the son of the Han Dynasty, who was bent on eradicating the power of the princes of the opposite sex, did not fight the calculation of the Changsha Kingdom, but let Wu Rui's son Wu Chen inherit the prince of the King of Changsha.

Even after Wu Chen, the first line of Changsha Wang also experienced the third king Wu Hui, the fourth king Wu You, and the fifth king Wu Cha, until the fifth Changsha king Wu Cha was extinct, and the Changsha country was recovered by the Han family and entered a new era of clan relatives as kings.

This is exactly what the officials want to tell everyone - in the early Han Dynasty, when 'princes with different surnames are the original sin', why did the Wu family, the king of Changsha, become the only prince with a different surname who was not feared by the central government of Chang'an?

The answer lies in the description of the Wu family of the king of Changsha at the beginning of the lineage: The Wu family of the king of Changsha is a descendant of the king of Wu.

At the beginning of the Han Dynasty, Chinese civilization had just entered the era of feudal unification, and most of the areas south of the Yangtze River had not yet been developed; And the absence of development means that wisdom is relatively ignorant and the social atmosphere is relatively more traditional.

At that time, in the north and south of Wuling, that is, Changsha and Hengshan in Lingbei, as well as the land of Baiyue in Lingnan, the 'social atmosphere was relatively more traditional', and it was worth blindly respecting the ancestors.

In the Central Plains, the time node of the 'bloodline theory' has been initially detached, and the two groups of Wu people and Yue people at that time are still silent in the blind respect for the bloodline theory;

In Nanyue, which was actually controlled by Zhao Tuo, the governor of Qin Nanhai, the Yue people generally regarded Gou Jian, the king of Yue, as their ancestor, and therefore boasted of themselves as 'the queen of the nobles', while in Changsha and Huainan, which consisted of Hengshan and Jiujiang counties, the Wu people also followed the example and regarded themselves as 'descendants of Fucha'.

This situation is the most severe in Changsha Kingdom, which is geographically more south, Hengshan County, which is relatively far north, is lighter, and Jiujiang, which is the northernmost Jiujiang, is the lightest, which is also consistent with what Zuo said earlier that 'the south of the Yangtze River has not yet been developed' - the farther south the Yangtze River is, the more developed it is, the more backward the people's thinking is, and the stronger the respect for the theory of blood.

And the Wu family became the king of Changsha, and even was able to smoothly pass on the fifth emperor, and it was precisely for this reason.

Regarding Zhao Tuo, who established himself as the king of Nanyue, and the South Vietnamese secession regime he established, the attitude of the Han family has always been very entangled.

Because compared with the Northern Barbarian Xiongnu with completely different cultures, inheritances, and values, Nanyue under the control of Zhao Tuo was originally in the territory of the Yue Kingdom in the Spring and Autumn Period, and strictly speaking, it also belonged to a part of the Chinese cultural circle, but it was more partial than the Central Plains countries.

In addition, after the secession of South Vietnam, Zhao Tuo made the people of Baiyue, who were originally backward in productivity and had not even completely walked out of the slave owner period of slash-and-burn farming, have a high degree of sinicization through marriage and indoctrination in the land of Baiyue.

Therefore, at the beginning of the establishment of the Han Dynasty, the Central Committee of Chang'an was never able to define whether South Vietnam was a 'foreign barbarian' or an 'internal thief'.

Coupled with the poor financial situation of the central government at the beginning of the Han Dynasty, as well as the internal and external threats caused by factors such as the princes with different surnames in the Kwantung region and the Xiongnu in the north, South Vietnam, which was relatively less urgent, was temporarily shelved by the central government of Chang'an.

Even if Zhao Tuo jumped out and brazenly proclaimed himself emperor whenever something happened, Chang'an basically maintained the highest degree of restraint, and was more inclined to persuade Zhao Tuo to go to the emperor through diplomatic means (mainly Lu Jia) and accept the canonization of the Han family's 'King of Han Nanyue'.

And the lineage of the Wu family of the king of Changsha, it was precisely because of the Han family's consideration of counterbalancing South Vietnam that it was successfully passed on to the fifth generation.

- Zhao Tuo, the king of Nanyue, is only a king in the end, Liu Bang, the son of heaven of the Han Dynasty, that is the son of heaven!

As for the people of your Baiyue, everyone claims to be a 'descendant of Goujian', but the king of my Changsha country, that is a descendant of Wu Wangfu who has a clear lineage!

In this way, through the contrast between the 'emperor-king' and the 'self-proclaimed descendant-true descendant', the central government of Chang'an was able to achieve a theoretical victory in the chain of contempt with Nanyue, so that Zhao Tuo, the king of Nanyue, could not cross Lingnan and launch an attack on the Central Plains for the rest of his life.

Even the time point when Changsha became a vassal state with a different surname to a vassal state of clan relatives due to the 'extinct heir' of Wu Cha, the fifth king of Changsha, is also very delicate - it happened to be the turn of Wen and Jing, and the Han family has gradually broken away from the poverty and weakness in the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China, and to a certain extent, it has the time point to launch external expansion.

From this point of view, the Wu lineage has been successfully extended for five generations in the position of the 'King of Changsha', and it is more due to the fact that the central Han family needs to borrow the bloodline of the Wu family's 'Fucha Queen' to mentally suppress the people of Baiyue who claim to be the descendants of Goujian.

In addition to repression, there may also be considerations to attract hatred and provide Changsha as a strategic buffer zone for Han and Vietnam; But in general, the main reason why the Wu family was able to protect the fifth generation of Changsha Guozuo should be the identity of the 'heir of the husband'.

Of course, this is also related to the respectful attitude and take-what the king of Changsha of the previous Wu clan has had to do with Chang'an since the time of Wu Rui, the king of Changsha.

This point is also mentioned in the text: the successive kings of Changsha, including Wu Rui, without exception, have maintained 'the last letter every year, requesting the pilgrimage to Chang'an', although most of them have been rejected, but they still persevered for 50 years.

In order to block the opening of 'the king of Changsha requests for pilgrimage every year', Gao Hou Lu Pheasant even specially stipulated: the princes and kings will go to Chang'an every three years.

But even so, the successive generations of Wu's Changsha kings still persevered in inviting Chang'an every year.

It is precisely this kind of low-profile attitude that allows the Wu family to enjoy the country for decades in that era when 'refusing to make Hajj is tantamount to rebellion'.

··········

At the beginning of tomorrow, I just took the opportunity to take a look at my waist and rest for a day, thank you for your understanding.

I wish you all good health and a happy life.

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