Chapter 197: Democracy Itself

What's more, today's Zhu Xiongying himself also has a legal crisis of rule.

Nanjing says that it is orthodox, Beijing also says that it is orthodox, and both sides say that they are orthodox, which just shows that neither side is orthodox.

And a long time ago, He Xi denied the celestial induction in front of Zhu Yuanzhang.

This is actually a denial of the legitimacy of the Son of Heaven, since the emperor is not the Son of Heaven chosen by God, then, can't anyone replace him. The emperor has no sacredness, so why do they command the world?

When Zhu Yuanzhang was there, this problem was not serious.

After all, who Zhu Yuanzhang is. A sentence that truly interprets Zhu Yuanzhang's status is the Son of Heaven, and the strong soldiers and horses are the ones who do it. This is how Zhu Yuanzhang's status came about.

But this sentence is indeed the reality. However, this sentence cannot be used as the legal basis for ruling the world, otherwise the world will fall into a vicious circle of five generations of military rebellion, and the people of the world will have no livelihood.

"What are you going to do?" After Zhu Xiongying understood He Xi's explanation, he asked.

He Xi was silent for a while, and said, "There's nothing else you can do. Or, only to determine a new legal system, that is, the people are more important than the king."

Zhu Xiongying understood a little, but there were also more people who didn't understand, this is the words of Mencius, since the Song Dynasty, the Simeng school has been widely spread, such words, has long been spread all over. Zhu Xiongying didn't know, what did He Xi mean by reinterpreting these clichés?

Zhu Xiongying said, "Uncle, can you make it clearer?"

He Xi said: "Your Majesty, as long as you make sure that God places the king to settle the people, the world is not the world of one person, but the world of the people. This world is not the world of the Zhu family, but the world of the people, but the fake Zhu family will rule it."

Zhu Xiongying's breathing suddenly became short.

Although Zhu Xiongying vaguely knew that after the industrial revolution, the power of the monarch would decline. But it's not really real. At this moment, He Xi's words were like a heavy hammer, smashing on Zhu Xiongying's heart.

In an instant, he figured it out.

Perhaps many years ago, his father had already understood this, which is why Zhu Biao has been hesitant.

Zhu Xiongying can tolerate He Xi and now abuse power, on the one hand, because of He Xi's ability, and on the other hand, it is also the aura on He Xi's body. But in the end, because He Xi had no ambition, Zhu Xiongying felt that he could take back the power of the world from He Xi one day in the future.

According to He Xi's statement, Zhu Xiongying's power in the future, no, it should be that the absolute authority of the imperial court will not exist much. In order to collect as much taxes as possible from below, and thus support the new government or the huge expenditures of war and construction, it was necessary to establish the tax base on the factory owners and capitalists, and just as the central government of the late Ming Dynasty could do nothing about the Jiangnan scholars.

In the future, the Ming court must also compromise with these people.

The power of the Son of Heaven, who had Tianxian in his mouth, was lost forever in the hands of Zhu Xiongying.

This is not what Zhu Xiongying wants to see.

His first feeling was to resist, to resist. He didn't want him to be a marionette in the future.

He can tolerate He Xi now, and he must not tolerate the loss of power forever.

It's just that Zhu Xiongying quickly calmed down.

First of all, what to do if you can't figure out what to do with military spending? Now that the situation in Beijing is in full swing, it will go in that direction. Without military spending, will Beijing's strategic advantage over Nanjing be sustainable?

If, given enough time to Nanjing, will Nanjing develop even better, and even complete the reform of military and industry, it will have more advantages over Beijing?

After all, in terms of substance, Nanjing's manpower and material resources are still above Beijing's, and Beijing only has a pioneer.

Secondly, what did He Xi think?

He Xi has always wanted to promote reform, if he himself does not agree, then He Xi will not go further, such as he can replace him.

Thinking of this, Zhu Xiongying felt more and more terrifying.

Nothing else, idealistic

It's hard to guess.

For every realistic person, it can be measured by the pros and cons, and the gains and losses can be analyzed. Thus it follows that someone will never do something, while idealists are different, they have their own self-consistent values. It is difficult to measure the pros and cons in a secular sense, and a thing needs to pay a lot of costs, even one's own life. It's something that ordinary people would never do.

Perhaps in front of the idealists, they are willing.

This makes it difficult for Zhu Xiongying to understand.

Maybe never understand.

The ideological estrangement between the two sides makes it difficult to judge the other party's behavior, Zhu Xiongying can only think of the worst, and he can only endure his unhappiness. said, "What exactly?"

It's just that Zhu Xiongying has already made up his mind deep down that once the big thing has been decided, He Xi must be kicked out.

Zhu Yuanzhang, Zhu Biao, Zhu Xiongying, and Zhu Yunwen are essentially the same kind of people. They are all political creatures, power is their life, if Zhu Yuanzhang was not going to die, he might not be so free.

On the same issue, Zhu Biao can't sacrifice himself for others, and he can't give up the power in his hands to promote He Xi's so-called new law. It's just the same problem, Zhu Biao is lenient in his heart, and he can't bear to let the people live a better good governance, which cannot be implemented.

This kind of internal friction made Zhu Biao embark on a dead end. And Zhu Yunwen never knew this, and the so-called essence of what he did was nothing more than consolidating his power and relying on the desire for power itself to operate. And Zhu Xiongying is the most contradictory.

On the one hand, he has been swept into the rolling wave of reforms, and Zhu Xiongying is very supportive of these reforms. On the other hand, as an emperor, he has enjoyed the benefits of power.

Zhu Xiongying is also more and more alienated by power into a power creature, power is his life, he can die, but he can't lose power. Because after losing power, life is worse than death.

And at this moment, I saw clearly the essence of He Xi's reform, and in the new system, there were too many restrictions on the emperor. Although it is said that in history, it took a war to defeat all the crowns. But the French Revolution had already sent the emperor to the guillotine.

Of course, because Zhu Xiongying has seen the history of the future, he knows that it is not right to fight against the torrent of history. Zhu Xiongying didn't think about turning the times around, but Zhu Xiongying valued power itself, not the emperor.

Don't say that there are no dictators in the industrial age.

It's just that Zhu Xiongying hasn't figured out what the future emperor should do.

It can only be said that the times are moving too fast. Zhu Xiongying wanted to make the times develop slower and wait for their emperor.

He Xi said: "After thinking about it, there is no way to choose the parliamentary system, select a group of people from Beijing, Liaodong, Hebei and other places, and hold a general meeting in Beijing to discuss this matter. I have several options that require ventilation with these people. Discuss one or two. But the premise is that the parliament is given enough powers."

Although He Xi didn't want to admit it, he had to admit that the parliament was a pretty great invention. He represents a channel for dialogue between the upper and lower strata of society. Prior to this, the feudal dynasty, almost every imperial court was talking widely. But in reality, it's not like that. The common people, the people sue the officials, and they must die once in their lives to be eligible.

Even if there are things such as Dengwen drums, it is very difficult for the lower classes to reach the imperial court, so that the pro-people officials are the most important. Because the pro-people officials understand what the people at the bottom need.

However, the parliamentary system proposed by He Xi is essentially a transaction of money and power. Rich people buy the opportunity to speak out at the top through money. At the same time, let the upper echelons understand the ideological tendencies of this group of the most dynamic people in society. It is good to carry out united front work. Don't let these people go to the opposite side of the court.

As for finding a way to make these people bleed to pay heavy taxes, or take out real money and buy public bonds. That's one of the small problems.

The top-level design of the parliament is essentially to unite the human and material resources of the entire Liaodong industrial society in Beijing as much as possible, so that they can be used by the imperial court. That's all that matters.

It is also the essence and first voice of all Western democracies.

He Xi will also use it.