Chapter 306: The February Revolution in Russia
ps: Second shift, it's a little late, sorry.
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March 5, 2758 (1917). Petrograd, Russian Empire.
The city was originally called St. Petersburg, but after the war, it was renamed "Petrograd". This was due to the fact that Nicholas II considered the name "St. Petersburg" to be too German and not Russian enough to fully express his determination to stand on a standstill with Germany. So it was changed to "Petrograd", a name full of Russian style, as if this would make all classes of Russia more patriotic and more united under the tsarist banner.
But the irony is that when the city was not renamed, although there were great social contradictions, there was no big mess. After the name was changed, there was a revolution instead, and it was the most fatal revolution.
By this time, the capital of the empire had descended into complete chaos, the whole city was filled with gunfire, and soldiers and policemen loyal to the Tsar were everywhere confronting their enemies, striking workers and their sympathizers, as well as defective soldiers and policemen.
The streets of Petrograd were littered with garbage and confetti, torn banners, corpses, and black bloodstains. These are the traces left by the riots of the previous days.
The revolution actually broke out suddenly without a clear leader and a formal plan, but a closer analysis reveals that this revolution is only a general eruption of social contradictions that have accumulated in Russia for many years, and its outbreak is only a matter of time, not whether it will break out. Because this revolution took place in the second month of the Julian calendar, it is called the "February Revolution", but it is a few days earlier than the original plane.
Because the tsarist regime's centuries of oppression of the lower classes of society have pulled too much hatred. Since the start of the war, the Russian army has suffered successive defeats on the battlefield, the shortage of materials and food, coupled with the collapse of the economy, the people at the bottom of Russia are in the midst of hunger and cold.
The riot took place at the end of February. On February 26, due to food shortages, the food distribution point in Petrograd Square suddenly announced that "the bread is gone" and asked the people queuing to receive the food to come back tomorrow. It's not the first time this kind of thing has happened, in the past, everyone just scolded a few words, and then had no choice but to leave. Today, however, the result is different, or people's patience has reached the limit, and people queuing up to receive food suddenly launched a demonstration.
Then part of the workers in Petrograd declared a strike, demanding more food and winter clothing. But the authorities were uncompromising, and instead of acceding to the workers' reasonable demands, they announced that all workers who had participated in the strike had been dismissed. Instead of frightening the hungry and cold people, this stinky move led to the dissatisfaction of other workers, and the contradictions further escalated.
Although there were occasional clashes between demonstrators and government forces, there were no casualties on the first day. In the days that followed, more and more workers joined the strike, gathered in St. Petersburg, and tensions grew. Over the next two days, the strike, inspired by hundreds of left-wing radicals, spread to factories and shops throughout the capital.
By 2 March, almost all of Petrograd's industrial plants, along with businesses and services, had ceased operations. Even students, white-collar workers and teachers joined the street demonstrations. By evening, the police were no longer able to control the situation.
Tsar Nicholas II, however, refused to heed the warnings about the seriousness of the matter and ordered the commander of the Petrograd Military District, General Khabarov, to immediately lead an army to suppress the demonstrators. He ordered Khabarov: "I order you to suspend the chaos in the capital tomorrow, which is unacceptable at this difficult moment of war with Germany and Austria. β
Khabarov's troops entered the city on March 3 to quell the unrest, and some of the soldiers complied and immediately began to suppress the demonstrators. At this time, many of the demonstrators were also armed, and they exchanged fire with the military and police in the streets. But some of the junior officers and soldiers refused orders from their superiors and instead joined the crowd and opened fire on the police and their former comrades. In the afternoon, even some police officers joined the unrest between the military and civilians.
After two days of fire, the government's lines began to crumble, more and more soldiers and police joined the demonstrators, and fewer and fewer people loyal to the Tsar were now being beaten by the insurgents.
Lvov walked out of the Imperial Duma (parliament) building, and as soon as he went out, he hurriedly arranged the red ribbon tied around his arm, the symbol of a revolutionary. Now that the royalist army has been compressed into a few limited blocks, it is only a matter of time before it is wiped out. Now Petrograd has basically been accused by the revolutionaries, and if it weren't for this red ribbon, you might have been shot in the streets.
The revolutionary masses did not necessarily know him as a reformist leader, and Lvov did not want to be unlucky enough to fall under the guns of his teammates before the revolution was successful.
"Sir, the car is ready......" his secretary said to him. The secretary also had a red ribbon tied around his arm.
His car quickly drove up, a "Volkswagen" made in China. The doors on both sides of the car and the front and rear bumpers are also tied with red ribbons to indicate identity.
After Lvov got into the car, he said to the driver: "Chekov, let's go to the embassy district, hurry up and ......"
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On the same day, Hankyung, the presidential palace.
"What's going on? Nicholas II hasn't returned to preside over the overall situation?" asked Wen Deji in surprise.
Nicholas II was really not in Petrograd, he was at this time directing operations at the front. Well, in fact, he just used the banner of "Imperial Driving Expedition" to boost morale in the past, but it is obvious that this approach has not had the slightest effect, and it seems to have the opposite effect.
Zhang Lizheng said: "It is estimated that I will go back soon, Petrograd has been accused by revolutionaries, and the old nest has been lost, can I not go back for such a big thing?"
Chief of the General Staff Xin Jie gloated and said: "I think it would be better if he didn't go back, but I'm afraid it would be even worse if he went back, because he has already attracted too much hatred." β
"It's none of our business whether Ni'er lives or dies. All I care about is what we can get out of it. Wen Desi said lightly. "That Mr. Ulyanov is still in Switzerland, right?"
"Yes, still in Switzerland. Minister of National Security Wang Qi replied. "According to our information, he is negotiating with Germany about the crossing, and the German side has relented. According to intelligence officers, they appear to have a secret agreement, but the exact contents cannot be ......"
Wen Deji smiled mockingly: "Hehe, I can completely imagine that this time it's cheaper......"
"Mr. Wen, should we ......" Wang Qi hurriedly asked, a trace of murderous intent flashed in his eyes.
"No, no, no, don't move! we don't do anything......" Wendesi shook his finger and said with a smile: "Order our men in Europe to protect the safety of Mr. Ulyanov along the way, and ensure that he reaches Petrograd safely......"
"Yes, I'll arrange it right away......" Although Wang Qi was a little puzzled, he didn't ask anything.
As if seeing his incomprehension, Prime Minister Zhang Lizheng said beside him: "Because of Ulyanov, we have been studying him for a long time, and it can be said that we already know his character and style very well. He is a man who knows the times very well, and he is very good at compromising in the face of adverse situations, and will make great concessions. But if it were replaced by someone we don't understand, what he would do, it's hard to say. Problems that can be resolved through negotiation do not need to use the means of war, and fighting a war is very expensive. β
Wen Deji also said unceremoniously: "Also, if he can't go back, the Bolsheviks will lack a firm leader, how can Russia be in chaos? If Russia is ruled by the current gang, it will be difficult to get into chaos, and we can't help them stabilize the situation." β
"Yes, I understand, Mr. Wen ......" Wang Qi was greatly impressed.
He said to the foreign minister: "By the way, Minister Ka, how is the situation in Petrograd now?"
"The latest information is that the leader of the moderate reformers," replied, "is that the leader of the moderate reformers, Levoff, has visited the embassies of the Entente countries, presumably in an attempt to gain the support of Britain and France. He also contacted our embassy and is expected to come back for an interview soon. β
Wen Deji thought for a while and said: "Well, tell SΓΉ Ye Xingzhen (ambassador to Russia), before they officially take power, our attitude is still the same as before, don't talk about any in-depth topics with them." β
In fact, despite the fact that the "scientific socialism" developed by Wen Deji also has many characteristics of "socialism", the relationship with the Russian Bolsheviks, a left-wing radical faction, is not good at all. Yes, the two sides are not in the same pot at all, and the CSD has a better relationship with the right-wing factions of the Second International.
The Bolsheviks, on their part, had been in contact with Wendesi in 1908, but when they talked about it, they found that it was completely a chicken-and-duck affair, and that there were fundamental differences on many key issues, and there was no contact with each other since. Moreover, he openly criticized Wendehei's "scientific socialism" as revisionism, and Mr. Ulyanov criticized Wendesi and "scientific socialism" at a meeting of the Second International in Switzerland.
He said: Wen Deji is only a nationalist through and through, he has no interest in the common communist cause of mankind, and he is very resistant. The so-called "scientific socialism" is only a shell wrapped in "socialism", and its essence is no different from imperialism. The CSD has completely deviated from the line of Marxism and internationalism, and is a right-wing revisionist faction that exudes the rancid stench of imperialism and nationalism from top to bottom...... Yunyun.
Wen Desi and the CSD are not the kind of saints who are happy to be scolded by others, so they naturally began to fight back in the media, claiming that Ulyanov is a fool who is begging for a sword, and without the slightest understanding of the actual situation in China, he will only talk nonsense from the script. Only by practice can true knowledge come true, and facts have proved that what we practice is true socialism. As for whether we are imperialist and nationalist, it doesn't matter, as long as it makes our country strong and our people happy, it is a good thing, as for what it is, what does it matter?
In addition, the CSD ridiculed Ulyanov as a "remote revolutionary" and said: "You should first handle the affairs of the Russian people, and then care about the people of the world, or you will have ...... no convincing power at all."
As a result, the mouth cannon was upgraded again...... Later, although the fight has not yet started, it is already on the same footing.
Well, in the simplest terms, it is that both sides believe that the other is a heretic and that they are authentic. It's weird that this relationship can still be good.