Chapter 49: The King's Fate
Arthur walked freely on the streets of London, and because he was dressed in plain clothes today, he could finally slow down and see a different scenery than before.
According to the latest task directive issued by Sir Peel, in view of the intensifying protests and mass gatherings across London, all police districts in Scotland Yard have selected a number of experienced police officers and assigned them to carry out covert duties in various assembly places in civilian clothes.
This is not to blame Sir Peel for a reaction, as it is not the first time that such an event as 'Calling for Parliamentary Reform and Wider Suffrage' has been held.
The first time there was such a large-scale movement for parliamentary reform in Britain was during the French Revolution in 1789.
As Sir Peel emphasised in a Home Office document β every French revolution had unintended consequences in England.
The French Revolution of 1789 aroused great political enthusiasm among the lower classes of the British people, and it changed the preconceived notions of many British people since the Glorious Revolution, making them realize that politics was not only the private affairs of the big people, but also the common people were qualified to participate.
The first to attack old ideas was the Rev. Richard Price, a prominent member of the Sheffield Society for Constitutional Knowledge.
In a sermon entitled "On Loving Our Fatherland" at an event commemorating the 101st anniversary of the Glorious Revolution, he made a point that was crucial to the subsequent reform movementβthat the most important legacy of the Glorious Revolution was that the people had the right to choose their own government and to remove it at any time.
But this view immediately provoked a fierce rebuttal from Edmund Burke, a Whig literary hero, who published his book Reflections on the French Revolution, in which he presented his views.
-- The principle of the Glorious Revolution is not change, but adherence to tradition. Tradition maintains the existence of society and is therefore the cornerstone of society. The French Revolution led France to collapse precisely because it destroyed traditions, and Britain could not follow in France's footsteps, it had to preserve traditions and ensure the security of the country.
And when Burke had the upper hand, Thomas Paine published Human Rights to confront Burke.
In his book, Paine emphasized that each generation had the right to choose the political system of its preference, and that its predecessors had no right to decide. Choosing a political system is a natural human right that the British are born with, and the British should fight to the end to defend this right.
But under the current system, workers are denied this right, thus causing widespread poverty among them. Only by restoring their rights can they be freed from poverty.
Paine's Human Rights sold more than 200,000 copies within a year of its publication.
In this social climate, a series of reform-oriented civil society organizations were formed, and groups of 10,000 people such as the Sheffield Constitutional Knowledge Society and the London Correspondence Society sprung up.
All this alarmed the British government, which saw the emergence of these organizations as a precursor to revolution.
In line with the principle of striking first and then suffering, the British authorities quickly arrested important members of the London Correspondence Society and the Sheffield Society of Constitutional Knowledge, and prosecuted them for treason.
The presidents of the London Communications, Margrot and Gerald, were eventually sentenced to 14 years in exile, but most of the other members were acquitted by a jury for lack of evidence.
With the defeat of the French Revolution, the parliamentary reform movement also fell into a low point.
But the memories of the past still lingered in the minds of the Parliamentarians, and it was not for Sir Peel to be careless.
After all, after decades of proven, the Tory Party has proven that the mere use of violence will only make things worse.
The Duke of Wellington and Sir Peel, while opposed to parliamentary reform, were equally adamant that the use of force should be used as little as possible to resolve the issue.
Although this view may seem contradictory, it is indeed the current policy of Wellington's Cabinet.
They hope that after a while the British public will forget about parliamentary reform, rather than violently suppressing assemblies.
But judging from Arthur's observations in the past two days, the calculations of the Duke of Wellington and Sir Peel should have failed.
For this time it was not only the mild-hearted working groups who were involved in parliamentary reform, but also the Whigs, the large number of clergy, and the Tory Canning and extremists.
As Arthur is currently observing, almost all strata of London, up and down, are advocating parliamentary reform.
Although they may have different goals for reform, at least their behavior is the same.
"For better or for worse, reform always helps!"
"We demand that the right to vote be expanded!"
"Wellington is down, he's an old liar from Ireland!"
Arthur mingled in the procession, shouting slogans and holding up signs for his companions.
"Down with the Tories! Eradicate Wellington! β
Seeing this, Agareth couldn't help but glare, "Arthur, aren't you here to spy on them?" Why are you still messing around with them? β
Arthur raised his hand and touched the brim of his hat, looking for an opportunity to get out of the procession, not because he was tired of walking, but because he had followed the procession to the Greenwich police station.
He went to a clearing on the corner of the street and lit his pipe and took a hard puff.
"Agareth, you don't understand, the highest form of undercover is to join. At least I learned that the team seemed to be sponsored by the Whigs, and that they were just shouting slogans and not planning to do anything drastic, which was good and saved me a lot of trouble. β
Hearing this, the Red Devil couldn't help but squint and said, "Arthur, what the hell do you think?" You're eating against Robert Peel of the Tories, and you're walking close to the Duke of Sussex of the Whigs.
With all due respect, if you really intend to play politics, it's better not to step on two boats like this, it's not good for you. You know, for those powerful politicians, loyalty is not absolute to absolute disloyalty. β
"Agares, that's your fault, I've never stepped on two boats."
Arthur spat out his cigarette: "You know, I'm a Scottish Yard policeman, and according to the House Ordinance, I can't hold any political positions.
Just like the religious view I told you before, I don't choose God or the devil, both are walls that blindfold me.
Politically, I don't choose the Whigs, I don't choose the Tories, they are actually the same, and only when they are in opposition will they behave like the light of justice.
I share their views on only some issues.
I admired the abolitionists of the Whigs, although most of them supported abolitionism only because most of them were factory owners, they didn't make any money for it, and they needed free workers to come into the factories.
On the other hand, I also appreciate the conservative and restrained stance that the Tories are now promoting, and they are peace-loving, although this is also because their supporters include a significant number of bankers, and fighting the war has little effect on their stocks and bonds.
All in all, they each have their own merits, Agares, times are changing, every party has its own merits, we have to see the shining points in them. β
The Red Devil rubbed his hands together and laughed, "Come on, Arthur, you little villain." Don't tell me you don't know, sometimes not having a position is also a position, and it's a two-pleasing position.
Do you know why the Duke of Wellington ended up in the current situation? It was because he intended to take the middle course that he was not welcomed by liberals and was ousted by conservatives.
It's just because he's Wellington that he can barely support himself for a while. If someone else had been the prime minister, it would have fallen by now.
You don't look at how energetic these protesters shout, they seem to love freedom, but in fact they just hate their masters. What they are angry about is not unfairness, but that they are in a subordinate position in the unfairness.
Don't be deceived by your negligible conscience, parliamentary reform is a great opportunity, and the choice is yours now.
You can take this opportunity to pledge allegiance to Robert Peele, or you can use the Duke of Sussex to vote for the Whigs.
Come on, Arthur, have you thought about which side to support? A young police inspector of Scotland Yard who is in the limelight, although it may not seem remarkable right now, if you use the information at hand, you can immediately put it to their advantage.
Is it for or against reform, Whig or Tory? Don't take the middle way, and don't look into that slave trafficking case, neither of these things will do you any good. β
Arthur just glanced at him, he extinguished the pipe in his hand, and said, "Agareth, haven't you been encouraging me to be their god?" Looking back now, it's still too difficult to be a god or something, so why don't I be their king? β
When the Red Devil heard this, he was pleasantly surprised: "Oh, my dear Arthur, have you figured this out? β
Arthur nodded, and he spoke, "I send you a word, do you know what the fate of the king is?" β
"What is it?"
Arthur tucked his pipe into his pocket and walked into the police station with his legs raised.
"The fate of the so-called king is to be discredited for doing good."
(End of chapter)