News of the success of the St. Petersburg uprising soon spread throughout Russia, and more cities were incited for general strikes and demonstrations.

In these cities where general strikes and demonstrations take place, it is clear that the demonstrators are divided into two factions, the working class and capitalism.

St. Petersburg was followed by Moscow, followed by the surrounding cities and important constructions. Moscow's Red Square, the Kremlin, and the Moscow Arsenal were occupied by the insurrectionary contingent in just a few days, and the uprising has spread throughout Russia and Europe.

Before World War I, Russia was an extremely large state, with Poland partitioned with Germany in the west, the Asian border in the east, and the Bering Strait from the United States.

As a result, Russia is a thoroughly transcontinental country, occupying not only a large part of Eastern Europe, but also a huge territory in North Asia.

Despite Russia's vast land area, the true core of Russia's essence is Eastern Europe.

The impact of this uprising covered the line from St. Petersburg to Moscow, and in addition to the frontline areas, almost half of the western part of Russia was affected, which can also be understood as directly affecting most of Russia.

Two of the most important cities in Russia are St. Petersburg, the current capital, and Moscow, the former capital.

The part between the two cities is also the best part of Russia in Eastern Europe, and both are currently occupied by the rebels.

On the way to inciting the uprising, the workers' league and capitalism agitated for general strike marches in the surrounding cities, and took the opportunity to insert their own men into them, intending to take control of these striking cities.

Under the premise that there is a clear divergence of interests between the capitalist and workers' groups, who will have more power and the initiative of the government in the future will depend on the number of cities they control.

On November 15, 1916, the rebels rebelled against the Baltic fleet, and a considerable part of Russia's military strength was in the hands of the rebels.

And that's not all, the front-line soldiers welcomed the uprising as well. Even front-line soldiers quickly formed soldiers' councils to supervise the officers of the army.

A large number of Russian civilians also welcomed the revolution, and they needed the political emancipation brought about by the overthrow of tsarism, and the economic emancipation brought about by the division of the landlords' land.

On the premise that all Russian civilians do not have enough to eat, as long as the insurgents can give them food, they will unconditionally support these insurrectionary ranks.

On November 16, Soviet power was formally established and included the overwhelming majority of the workers' party and the Bolshevik party, the Menshevik party.

On the very day of the proclamation of the establishment of Soviet power, the bourgeoisie approached the captured Nicholas II and asked him to sign the letter of appointment.

In this letter of appointment, Duke Georgy Yevgenyevich Lvov of the Cadets was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and Nikolai Nikolavich was appointed Supreme Commander-in-Chief of Russia.

Immediately after receiving the letter of appointment, the bourgeoisie announced the establishment of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the seizure of power by the Soviets of the workers' party.

The Soviet regime had the support of a large number of workers, and the Provisional Committee of the Russian State Duma had the support of the old aristocracy, including Nicholas II.

Suddenly, Russia became even more chaotic after the victory of the revolution, with two regimes operating side by side but opposing each other's administrative philosophies.

Nicholas II did not sign the historical abdication declaration, after all, at this time the old aristocracy and royalists were still quite powerful, and the Soviet and bourgeois powers had not yet formally determined their priorities.

In contrast to the consistling entirely bourgeoisie of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, Soviet power was more decentralised and included most of the parties of the working class, the largest of which were the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks.

The two parties also had a certain conflict, and both wanted to gain the leadership of Soviet power.

Unlike the Bolsheviks, who were determined to establish republican power, the Mensheviks pursued a capitulationist line, sought to limit the scope of the revolution, and believed that the rightful masters of the overthrow of tsarism could only be the bourgeoisie.

With the help of the Mensheviks, the Provisional Committee of State Animation soon replaced the Soviet power and gradually gained more power in post-revolutionary Russia.

On November 20, 1916, the first bourgeois provisional government of Russia was formed. It was a provisional government with a constitutional monarchy, and Nicholas II remained in the position of tsar, but lost all administrative and military rights.

The large landowner, Duke Georgy Lvov, became Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior of the First Provisional Government, and the other positions were divided among the major parties of the bourgeoisie.

But at the same time, the rights of Soviet power were not completely lost. Although a large number of revolutionary areas, including St. Petersburg, were under the control of the Provisional Government, Moscow and the surrounding areas remained under the control of Soviet power.

However, the nominal Soviet power remained dependent on the rule of the Provisional Government, except that the Provisional Government had no real power over the Moscow region.

The revolution in Russia was followed by all countries of the world, especially the Allied bloc, led by Germany.

For Germany, the revolution in Russia was great news. The Russians were trapped in civil strife and certainly did not have enough strength to continue the war.

It was not only an opportunity for Germany to get rid of multi-front operations, but also a good opportunity to launch a large-scale counteroffensive against the Anglo-French forces on the Western Front.

And for Britain and France, there was not enough strength to interfere in the Russian revolution at the moment. Besides, it is not unacceptable that the present revolution in Russia has not affected the monarchy, but has only established a constitutional monarchy similar to that of the United Kingdom.

If the Russians had overthrown the monarchy and hanged Nicholas II, as they had done in the French Revolution, they would have been liquidated by Britain, France and other monarchies after the war.

European royalty can allow European monarchs to lose their rights, but they will not sit idly by and watch European monarchs be executed by revolutionaries.

Since there is no guarantee that there will be a revolution in their own country, if the arbitrary execution of monarchs is tolerated, perhaps this step will happen to other European monarchies in the future.

It was also after keeping an eye on the situation in Russia that Arthur was relieved to learn that the Provisional Government had taken control of most of the power.

At least the situation in Russia has not collapsed to the point where it is completely out of control, and although the Provisional Government is a capitalist state, it is still a constitutional monarchy, and the opposition to the monarchy is not serious.

If the Soviet power is in power, the ideas conveyed by such a republic to its neighbors are terrible and can have a huge impact on the monarchy.

Immediately after the establishment of the Provisional Government, both the Central Powers and the Entente began to negotiate with the new Russian Government.

The Entente wanted Russia to continue the war, even if only to contain part of Germany's forces on the Eastern Front.

The Allies wanted Russia to withdraw from the war so that they could free up their hands to deal with the Anglo-French forces on the Western Front.

The good news is that the formation of the Russian Provisional Government was modest, and the basis for the formation of the Provisional Government was also based on the letter of appointment of Nicholas II.

Coupled with the fact that the Bolsheviks and Soviet power, who really wanted to overthrow the monarchy, had retreated to Moscow, the Provisional Government and the vicinity of St. Petersburg were under royalist control.

Although the current Nicholas II is deprived of a lot of rights on the surface, a certain status is still there.

On November 25, 1916, Britain, France, Russia, Australia and Italy held a meeting of the Entente in St. Petersburg, on the one hand, to discuss the next battle plan of the Entente, and on the other hand, to win over Russia to stay in the war as much as possible.

For this reason, Britain and France agreed to a low-interest loan of up to 5 billion rubles from the new Russian government regardless of the cost, and promised to send enough grain and winter supplies to Russia to help the Russian government tide over the difficulties.

At the Entente Conference, Britain, France, and Australia constantly reaffirmed the relationship between the four major powers of the Entente at that time, and personally promised not to reduce the slightest Russian contribution and the distribution of interests after the war.

At present, Russia is still an important part of the Entente and one of the four great powers of the Entente.

It is clear that the terms offered by the Entente were satisfactory to the Russian government. Low-interest loans of up to 5 billion rubles, as well as large quantities of food and emergency supplies, are enough for the new Russian government to win the hearts and minds of the people while surviving this difficult time.

The distribution of benefits promised by the Entente after the war was enough for these bourgeoisie and large landowners to obtain sufficient benefits after the war.

After two days of meetings, the new Russian government and the Entente agreed that they would not withdraw from the war for the time being, but would not take the initiative to launch a large-scale campaign.

Russia would take defensive measures at the front, trying to hold back as many German troops as possible for Britain and France.

At the same time, the loans promised by Britain and France must also be disbursed in a timely manner, and all kinds of aid must not be missing.

Since a large part of the reason for the popular uprising was disgusted with the war, the new Russian government decided to distribute a part of the emergency supplies free of charge to all civilians in St. Petersburg and the surrounding areas, in order to satisfy the general population.

This part of the materials includes 500 catties of grain per family, 200 catties of coal, a warm dress for each person, and some medicines.

Obviously, such a distribution of materials still satisfied a considerable part of the Russian people, and at the same time made the new Russian government accepted by the Russian people.

In fact, this is also a conspiracy of the Provisional Government. After all, there are two governments in Russia at the same time, and there must be a gap in the attitude of the people towards the two governments.

This also meant that after the Provisional Government had distributed supplies free of charge, the Soviet power had to immediately enact the same policy in order to satisfy the civilian population that supported the Soviet power.

After all, everyone supports the revolution for the sake of their own good life, and if they can't even solve their own food and clothing problems, there will definitely be more people who will jump ship and rebel.

But the problem was that the difference in assets between the Provisional Government and the Soviet power was very different.

The Provisional Government was composed of small and medium-sized capitalists, big landowners, old aristocrats and other former middle and high-level people, who held a large amount of land and resources in Russia.

On the Soviet side, although they also controlled the rich Moscow region, the major parties that made up the Soviet power were all composed of ordinary workers, and the capital in their hands was not abundant.

In addition, the Russian Provisional Government had strong support from the Entente powers, and Soviet power was hostile to almost all European monarchies.

Under such circumstances, in the event of a contest in welfare policy, the Soviet power could not have outmatched the Provisional Government.

And the common people are easily influenced by these small welfare policies and food distribution initiatives. If the Soviet power did not have a certain response, the advantages of the Provisional Government would have grown.

The Germans were obviously unable to offer the Entente the generous conditions at this time, and the Germans were so badly consumed by the war that it was naturally impossible to use a large amount of money and resources to support Russia.

This also strengthened the confidence of the Russians to continue the war, anyway, with the support of funds and materials from Britain and France, and Russia only needed to take a defensive posture on the front line.

Because the Soviet power could not offer the same welfare conditions as the Provisional Government, it was clear that the voice of the Russian people was on the side of the Provisional Government.

In order not to lose its support between the working class and the common people, the Soviet power could only take the reluctance of the Provisional Government to withdraw from the war.

Because the majority of the Russian population had received tangible benefits, the desire to withdraw from the war was not so strong.

In fact, the people were not against this war, but only against the tsarist regime at that time, regardless of the lives of Russian civilians at home for this war.

If Nicholas II had distributed supplies to workers and civilians earlier, and had kept prices in Russia under control as much as possible, perhaps the revolution would not have happened.

Unable to provide practical material benefits, the Soviets had no choice but to think of other things, such as the promulgation of an eight-hour workday that the working class closely watched.

Of course, this is not actually a promulgation, and the previous tsarist Russia also had an eight-hour working day.

But the eight-hour work week in Tsarist Russia was more superficial, and the average working hours of Russian workers were already more than 10 hours before the war, and more than 12 hours after the outbreak of the war.

The Soviet regime declared that it would protect the eight-hour workday, and the Moscow region strictly implemented the eight-hour workday and put an end to all unpaid overtime.

If it is more than eight hours, it is also possible to pay double overtime for the additional hours worked, and the total working hours must not exceed 10 hours per day and 60 hours per week.

The promulgation of this system has won the favor of many workers, after all, for the collective of workers, working hours and wages are the most important things for workers.

In addition to the eight-hour workday, the Soviet regime established a system of grain distribution, which centralized the distribution of grain, livestock and various materials in the Moscow region, ensuring that all civilians were able to receive a certain amount of supplies.

The impact of the war on Russia was enormous.

An important reason why the bourgeois Provisional Government was able to gain ultimate power was that large numbers of the rural population and the working class were conscripted into the army and sent to fight at the front.

Those who remained behind St. Petersburg and Moscow were the middle and upper echelons, led by large and small factory owners and aristocrats, who successfully gained the power of the revolutionary government.

It was precisely because of the requisition of a large number of rural people and workers that agricultural production in Russia was seriously affected.

According to previous Russian government statistics, Russia's arable land has decreased by at least 10 million Russian acres, the number of livestock has decreased from 18 million before the war to about 13 million, and the total grain income has decreased by about a quarter.

The establishment of a centralized distribution system by the Soviet power was also a last resort, and if the resources of the Moscow region were not centrally distributed, there would still be a large number of civilians who would not be able to distribute supplies and would not have firmly supported the Soviet power.

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(End of chapter)