Chapter 035: That's over, right?

When Xiao Chen rushed to Yù Quanshan, Xiao Zheng was already at home, not only was he there, but the eldest daughter Xiao Ning also returned to Beijing for a meeting this time, and she was also by her father's side at this time. Xiao Zheng's current residence is more than one, the Xiangshan villa that was originally allocated to him when he was at the central bank is still there, there is another set on the side of Yiquan Mountain, and another set is of course in Zhongnanhai.

Since Xiao Ning and Xiao Chen have both returned to Beijing, and Xiao Zheng has been living in Yiquan Mountain during this time, he has long wanted to talk to Xiao Chen about how to deal with the current situation in Jiangdong, and after today's meeting, he called Xiao Chen to come over. However, he asked Xiao Chen to come over, not all for Jiangdong's business, to put it mildly, an executive vice governor would not make Xiao Zheng, one of the Big Nine, so cautious and walking on thin ice.

He asked Xiao Chen to come, but for some economic work, he asked Xiao Chen to talk about his views. This not only has the meaning of cultivating and examining Xiao Chen, on the other hand, he also knows that Xiao Chen has some experience in economic work, and he can attack the stones of the mountain, and it is always good to listen to his views.

Xiao Chen and Ye Yiling did not take the Audi A6 that Xiao Chen was temporarily allocated to Xiao Chen in the capital during the meeting, but drove their own BMW 3 Series. To be honest, the BMW 3 Series is of course a high-end car in the whole of China, but in this Yù Quanshan, it is simply too low-key, and the 3 Series is occasionally in and out here, and it has to be the King of Performance M3, like Xiao Chen and Ye Yù Ling who use the ordinary 3 Series, there is really no other semicolon.

But because of this, the guards of Yù Quanshan were naturally very familiar with this car, and with a military salute, they waved their hands and let go, and the white sè3 system drove into Xiao Zheng's yard.

Premier Xiao's nephew came to visit, and strict security measures could not be avoided, although they did not search their bodies, the guards still used scanners to sweep Xiao Chen and Ye Yiling's side, and then they gave way. When Xiao Chen entered the door, Xiao Ning smiled and said, "Why didn't the little guy bring it?" ”

Xiao Chen smiled and waved his hand: "Don't mention it, Chairman Ye is baby, the little guy is about to disown me as a father now." ”

Ye Yiling snorted slightly on the side: "I still said that I should not recognize you after the new year!" ”

Xiao Chen smiled, but he wondered in his heart, when Xiao Nian is older, is it better to take it with him? Well, next time, I'll have to ask, what elementary school is better in Jinning...... But then again, it seems like it's a bit early?

Xiao Zheng is very tight now, not as good as before, today is a busy leisure, although he enjoys this kind of family warmth, but he knows that in his current position, it is only right to think more about "everyone". So he beckoned: "Xiao Chen, come here." ”

Xiao Chen sat down honestly and sat down on the sofa next to the uncle, who took a box of long-billed panda cigarettes from the side and threw it to him: "There is an air purification system in the room, smoke it." ”

Xiao Chen took it, but put it aside, and said with a smile: "It's better not to smoke." ”

Xiao Ning laughed and glanced at Ye Yù Ling: "Yù Ling is strict?" ”

Ye Yiling smiled and said: "It's none of my business, I never said anything about his smoking, my dad is an old smoking gun, I'm used to it." ”

Xiao Chen explained with a smile: "Sister Ning, I can't be particularly conscious? Generally speaking, as long as there are comrades who do not smoke, I do not smoke. ”

Xiao Ning glared at Xiao Zheng: "Dad, do you see it, Xiao Chen is more conscious than you, you have to smoke less now, and you should pay attention to your body!" ”

Xiao Zheng looked at Xiao Chen and smiled bitterly: "You, you...... Why is it so harmful? ”

Xiao Chen suddenly shouted: "Don't blame me, I have something to say." ”

Xiao Zheng pointed out: "So, it doesn't work at all?" ”

Xiao Chen smiled slightly, but his words were very decisive: "There are some principles, but it is better not to change." ”

"Huh." Xiao Zheng put the cigarette back and said lightly: "If you are poor, you will change, and if you change, you will be successful." Sometimes, to change the passive situation, it is not possible to remain unchanged, how can it be done without changing? ”

Xiao Chen slowly put away his smile and said: "I don't hit the south wall and don't look back, and I don't look back if I hit the south wall, if Kangzhuang Avenue is outside the south wall, I will do my best...... Crash through the south wall. ”

Xiao Zheng was shocked, smiled, looked at Xiao Chen seriously for a few seconds, and suddenly said, "What if the head breaks and the blood flows?" ”

Xiao Chen was silent for a moment and said: "We must care about the vital interests of the people every day. Whether it is leading economic work or doing other work, earnestly seeking the interests of the people is a consistent principle that should be followed. ”

Xiao Zheng frowned slightly, this sentence seems to have nothing to do with the question just now, but this sentence is a sentence that Xiao Lao said in the past, this is not a big theory, and it will even seem fake for an ordinary cadre to say it, but Xiao Lao has proved with the actual actions of his life that he thinks so and does it. Xiao Chen suddenly quoted this sentence, obviously referring to something.

There was a strange silence in the room.

Xiao Ning laughed, breaking this strange atmosphere: "Comrade Xiao Chen, the Jiangdong Provincial Commission for Discipline Inspection has been a little busy recently, right?" Under the order of the Pengcheng Procuratorate, so many cadres were taken down, including two deputy municipal ...... Oh, as soon as the blacklist comes out, there may be more deputy city and even higher-level cadres involved in the case now, right? What does the Jiangdong Commission for Discipline Inspection think? ”

"The view of the Jiangdong Provincial Commission for Discipline Inspection is: 'The construction of party style and clean government is related to the happiness and well-being of the people and the life and death of the party', therefore, the Jiangdong Provincial Commission for Discipline Inspection will never wronged any honest and honest and down-to-earth cadre, nor will it let go of any corrupt and self-depraved official." Xiao Chen said unmistakably. He was very particular about his choice of words, with cadres in front and officials in the back. The former is because he follows the purpose of serving the people, while the latter has degenerated into an official.

Xiao Ning clapped his hands: "Well said!" Comrade Xiao Chen, I support you! ”

Xiao Zheng glared at Xiao Ning: "Don't talk around the bush, I don't know your thoughts?" If Yu Ke really has fallen, no one will be able to pull him! I wouldn't even reach out to pull him! The reason why I came to Xiao Chen was not because I wanted to convince him of anything, let alone criticize him. I just want to know how he will operate for such a big thing to guarantee a smooth transition of the political situation on the Koto side! ”

Only then did Xiao Chen know that the uncle did not necessarily have to keep the surplus, but cared about whether the Xiao family would be able to maintain this slight advantage in the Jiangdong Provincial Party Committee if he won the surplus. In other words, to put it simply, the uncle is concerned about how to deal with the aftermath.

Xiao Chen then said: "Regarding the aftermath, I also have some considerations. If it is true that a member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee and Executive Vice Governor were implicated in the 'August 13' fire, there would definitely be a certain degree of shock. But this shock is not necessarily a bad side, but there may also be a good side. As for the aftermath of the political situation, I'm not completely out of control, it's just that this kind of thing can't be packed into tickets, I think ...... Let's open it. ”

Xiao Zheng was silent for a moment, and nodded slightly: "Don't move too much, try not to conflict with Comrade Yuan Zhuo." ”

Xiao Chen was slightly surprised by the second half of the sentence in his heart, but his face was very natural: "I know." He wasn't very worried about this, and according to his thoughts, there shouldn't have been any conflict with Secretary Li Yuanzhuo.

After Xiao Zheng finished talking about this matter, he breathed a sigh of relief, raised his head and closed his eyes and said: "Recently, the affairs have been complicated, and there are some things that I don't have a clue about...... Tired, troublesome. ”

Xiao Chen nodded: "It's a bit much. RMB appreciation, non-public economy, individual income tax reform, exemption from agricultural tax, new policy on housing loans, direct selling legislation, company law, securities law, equity division, property law, 11th Five-Year Plan, printing huā tax...... Hehe. ”

Xiao Zheng shook his head: "What's more, there are a lot of things in reform." What are the tax reforms, share reforms, exchange rate reforms, banking reforms, price reforms, medical reforms, education reforms, household reforms, and ...... Which one does not cào heart? ”

Xiao Chen smiled, but looked down on it, and said: "These can still be mō soothing, if you really want to talk about the predicament, I'm afraid it's still a few others, right?" For example, public crisis and political function transformation, economic model, globalization response, trade friction, social security system, environmental protection, balanced economic development, energy crisis, corporate public image ......"

Xiao Zheng said: "Speaking of the economic model, what do you think about this change? ”

Xiao Chen pondered for a moment and said: "This topic is a bit big, if you want to talk about models, the first thing that cannot be avoided is the world's seven major economic models. The American model, the Japanese model, the Swedish model, the New Zealand model, the East Asian model, the German social market model, and the Dutch model. ”

"The strengths of the American model are: flexible labor and product markets, low taxes, fierce competition, and shareholder capitalism. Shareholder capitalism puts pressure on managers to maximize profits. The disadvantages are: high income disparities, low welfare benefits, poor primary and secondary education — poor quality, low investment rates and low savings rates.

The advantages of the Japanese model are: lifetime employment promotes loyalty and high proficiency; the high quality of public services, especially education; Banks have close relationships with other industrial and commercial enterprises; Corporate cross-shareholding protects managers from impatient shareholder influence, allowing them to take a long-term view of their investments. The disadvantage is that companies that are protected and not fully exposed to market forces are under little pressure to make efficient use of capital.

The Swedish model has been touted as a "third way" between capitalism and socialism. The advantages are: a more open market, coupled with a comprehensive welfare state, small wage differentials and employment schemes to re-enter the unemployed. The disadvantages are: rising inflation and recession have increased the budget deficit; As unemployment rises, overwhelmed by costly employment programs; High personal income taxes dampen people's motivation to work.

As for the New Zealand model, the radical reforms of the eighties transformed the most regulated and closed economic system among the rich countries into one of the most active free-market policies, with the lowest tax rates, lowest trade barriers, and widespread sī ownership. The downside is that the gap between the rich and the poor has widened dramatically.

Then there is the East Asian model. The region has long been a battleground for economists. Some see East Asia's rapid economic growth as evidence of the advantages of market-friendly policies – low taxes, flexible labor markets, and open trade. Others argue that South Korea's industrial policy is evidence of the potential benefits of selective political intervention. The truth is that there is no single "East Asian model": economic policies vary widely, from the more liberal Hong Kong to the heavily intervening South Korea, not only the prevailing government in Indonesia, but also the extremely clean Singapore. What East Asia has in common is openness to trade and savings rates that surpass those of other emerging economies.

There is also the German social market model. The advantages of this model are: out of education and training, a generous welfare state and a small wage gap foster social harmony; The close relationship between the company and the bank contributes to the high investment. The disadvantages are that overly powerful unions, high taxes, overly generous unemployment benefits, and broad restrictions on the labor and product markets have led to high unemployment.

Finally, there is the Dutch model. The Netherlands was once an extreme example of European rigidity. But now some see it as a model for the rest of Europe to follow. Workers accepted lower increases in wages in exchange for an increase in jobs; Relaxation of regulations for part-time and temporary work; Social security taxes have been reduced. The result was a dramatic drop in the unemployment rate – to 3.6 per cent. The Dutch model appears to offer a way to reduce unemployment without significantly weakening the welfare state or creating large disparities in pay. However, this picture of low unemployment, which has been used as headlines, is too rosy; One-third of workers work only part of their working hours, the highest rate among rich countries; An unusually large number of people receive incapacity or sickness benefits and are therefore not counted among the unemployed. ”

"The analysis is good, but we in Huaxia are different from others, what do you think is the significance of these things for us? What do you think of our domestic economic model? Xiao Zheng's tone was unfazed.

Xiao Chen smiled slightly: "Let's not talk about the significance of borrowing for the time being, let me talk about the situation in our country first." Under the pressure of the current performance standards and the fiscal and taxation system, many political officials understand 'structural adjustment' as a large amount of investment in land, credit, and other resources, so as to carry out municipal construction and image projects on a large scale, and realize the 'heavy-duty' industrial structure.

Old-type industrialization is an investment-driven path of industrialization after the first industrial revolution, and its economic growth mainly relies on capital accumulation. Before the reform and opening up, China took the old road of industrialization.

To this day, the long-standing old system still leaves behind a series of 'legacies', such as the allocation of important economic resources, the performance standard of GDP growth, the defects of the fiscal and taxation system, and the distortion of factor prices, making it easy for officials at all levels to return to the traditional growth model. ”

"Well, what's the downside?" Xiao Zheng's tone sounded like Xiao Chen's composition was greater.

Xiao Chen naturally had no stage fright, and said: "There are seven major drawbacks of old-style industrialization: first, it promotes shortcomings and avoids strengths, and costs resources. The primary requirement for improving the allocation of resources and improving economic efficiency is to 'give full play to the advantages and avoid the weaknesses and give full play to the advantages', and the characteristics of China's resource endowment are: abundant human resources, shortage of natural resources, tight supply of capital resources, and fragile ecological environment.

The second is to weaken technological innovation and delay the improvement of efficiency. Due to the distortion of factor prices, the policy is tilted towards the heavy chemical industry and the processing industry, which suppresses the investment of enterprises in technological innovation, product upgrading and efficiency improvement.

Third, it has caused a high shortage of raw materials and fuel resources. In 2003, China's GDP accounted for 4% of the world's GDP, while resources consumed 7.4% of oil, 31% of raw coal, 30% of iron ore, 21% of steel, 25% of alumina, and 40% of cement. China's natural resources are not abundant and cannot support extensive growth with high resource consumption.

Fourth, damage to the ecological environment. The excessive development of highly polluting industries has caused serious damage to China's ecological environment.

Fifth, it is more difficult to find employment. China has a large number of surplus rural labor force and urban labor force that need to be employed in urban industry and commerce, but the ability of heavy chemical industry to create new jobs is very poor.

Sixth, inhibit the development of the service industry. Due to insufficient investment in the service industry and insufficient policy support, the high value-added service industry cannot develop, and the proportion of China's tertiary industry in GDP has declined instead of rising in recent years.

Seventh, it will cause short-term and long-term financial problems. According to the statistics of the National Development and Reform Commission, the GDP of the United States, Germany, France and other countries is used for investment accounts for 10%~20%, and China's is 40%~45%. This situation of excessive proportion of investment will lead to distortions in the structure of investment and consumption in the short term, resulting in insufficient domestic final demand; In the long run, there are financial risks implied. Under the condition that excessive investment is mainly supported by bank credit, ineffective investment means the accumulation of non-performing assets and financial risks in the banking system. ”

Xiao Zheng sat up slightly and asked, "How do you think we should change this?" ”

Xiao Chen spread his hands: "I think that the current Chinese economy should take a new path of industrialization through the transformation of the three-path growth model. First, to speed up scientific and technological progress, it is necessary to promote the application of science-based technology in various economic fields and encourage technological innovation and product upgrading. Second, to speed up the development of the service industry, the government should encourage and help the manufacturing industry to extend to the upstream and downstream of high value-added and high profitability, and develop modern integrated logistics and supply chain management. Third, to promote industrialization with informationization, it is necessary to improve the efficiency of all walks of life and the entire economy through information services. ”

Xiao Zheng took a step back and asked: "Just now you mentioned the issue of heavy chemical industry, I would like to ask, in 2003, China's economy began a new round of rapid growth, mainly relying on large-scale investment in heavy chemical industries such as steel, chemicals, heavy machinery, etc. Some people believe that this economic growth model of investment in heavy chemical industry marks that China has entered a new round of economic growth...... What do you think? ”

Xiao Chen took the tea handed over by the nanny, thanked him, and said: "The 'Tenth Five-Year Plan' is determined to focus on structural adjustment, which is very correct, but under the conditions of the current economic system and under the pressure of the current cadre evaluation system and the fiscal and taxation system, many political officials interpret 'structural optimization' as a large amount of investment in land, credit and other resources to achieve a heavier industrial structure. This understanding has caused many problems in the implementation of the Tenth Five-Year Plan.

The tendency of heavy chemical industry has caused some adverse effects on economic development: first, it hinders the development of the service industry, and the lagging development of the service industry leads to low overall economic efficiency; The second is the overall tension of coal, electricity, oil and transportation, and the problem of resources is becoming increasingly prominent; Third, the damage to the ecological environment is becoming more and more serious; The fourth problem is the deterioration of the employment situation; Fifth, it has contributed to the overheating of the economy and made the entire economy contain financial risks.

Therefore, I believe that the old industrialization path of heavy industry has no future. We must realize the transformation of the development model and growth mode, resolutely reverse the status quo of high consumption, high pollution and low output, comprehensively change the mode of economic growth, and 'gradually build a conservation-oriented industrial structure and consumption structure, and embark on a conservation-oriented development path with Chinese characteristics'.

This new path of industrialization should first of all be different from the early industrialization, that is, the old industrialization path. The early path of industrialization relied on the accumulation of physical capital and the replacement of manual labor by machines, while modern economic growth was mainly achieved by the accumulation of human capital and the improvement of efficiency. I believe that the so-called 'new type of industrialization' has two significances: the first meaning is relative to the old type, and the second meaning is the new type of information age, that is, the 'industrialization driven by informationization' mentioned by the first class. ”

Xiao Zheng smiled, and said all the points he meant: "Recently, CCTV did a program called 'Huaxia Experience', interviewing the governors and secretaries of more than a dozen provinces, and each of them made similar speeches, and their core idea is to develop industry, because only in this way can there be tax revenue, and only then can the achievements of local government be displayed." You have just done some personal analysis on this, and it suddenly occurred to me that if our tax can be levied on property, then the local government can not develop industry, and there will be a stable source of tax revenue. Property tax is based on house prices, and the higher the house price, the more taxes are collected. Then the local government will all raise housing prices, so that they will have more motivation to improve some natural and social environments closely related to housing prices, and at that time, the local government will not be better than anyone's social security, whose air is better, and whose water is better. For example, in recent battles between Chuandu and Lin'an, they are both saying that they are the most suitable cities for human habitation, so they will compete to improve the natural and social environment, so as to improve the local environment. According to your point of view, if the work of the government is to focus on these aspects rather than to decide how to stimulate production and decide what to produce, then the positioning of the function of the government is also correct? ”

Xiao Chen immediately denied: "That's different, they all go to collect property tax, although there must be a lot fewer people who speculate in real estate, housing prices may gradually become reasonable, and living conditions will improve accordingly...... But what about the unemployment rate? Is there enough social productivity? We can't just skip meals just because we want to live comfortably, right? ”

Xiao Zheng smiled and waved his hand: "In 2004, industry accounted for 64% of China's GDP growth of 9.1%. The six industries that have played the greatest role in the rapid growth of industry are electronics, metallurgy, transportation equipment manufacturing, electric power, chemical industry and electrical machinery industry. Among them, the growth rate of heavy industry in industrial enterprises above designated size was 18.6 percent, which greatly exceeded the growth rate of light industry of 14.6 percent, indicating that China has entered a new stage of development dominated by heavy chemical industry. As the growth of heavy industry outpaced that of light industry, the ratio of heavy industry to light industry increased further from 60:40 in '98 to 62.5:37.5 in 2000 to 64:36 in 2003.

Is China's industrial growth coming to an end, and is it possible to skip the development of heavy chemical industry? There are several indicators of industrialization, the first is agriculture, the proportion of agriculture in the whole industry has dropped to 1, the second is the population employed in agriculture, and the requirement is to fall to the third, the proportion of the urban population should account for more than 60% of the total population, and we are now a little more than 40%. In addition, from the distribution of the global manufacturing industry, the United States in 2003 was 1,711.1 billion US dollars, Japan was 911.1 billion US dollars, Germany was 443 billion US dollars, and China was 382.5 billion US dollars. We have estimated that it will take about 20 years for China to catch up with Japan and 40 years for the United States to catch up, and there must be an upgrading of the industrial structure in the middle, and the development of heavy chemical industry is inevitable.

What is China's greatest comparative advantage under the system? There is no advantage in China's land, it is impossible to be a world farm like Australia, it is impossible to be capital-intensive, and there is actually no advantage in science and technology, and China's biggest advantage is still to do manufacturing. The most obvious prospect of Huaxia after TO is to become a 'world factory'.

Therefore, we see that the heavy chemical industry has not only become the choice of local government, but also the choice of private enterprises. For example, in 2003, steel investment increased by 130%, and automobile investment increased by more than 70%, which was dominated by private enterprise investment - just like Tianchen Automobile, which you can't deny, right? Of course, there are factors that are not fully accounted for in the price distortion and environmental costs, but even if we exclude factor distortions, add environmental costs, and consider the current extremely high rate of return on capital in the heavy chemical industry (which can recoup the investment in a steel plant in about three years), I don't think there will be a fundamental change in the direction of the big investment.

What are the real problems and prospects of China's industrial development? In the course of hundreds of years of industrialization in the world, the combined population of the developed industrial countries is only 700 million. However, China has become the 'factory of the world' and joined the ranks of advanced industrial countries, and when the population reaches its peak, more than 1.4 billion people will drive in, which is equivalent to twice the population of all developed industrial countries at present. This will lead to a series of problems such as resource and energy shortages around the world. Judging from the development process of several manufacturing center countries in the world, there is only one way, and that is the technological revolution. Personally, I am optimistic that the Sixth Industrial Revolution will likely be a revolution led by the needs of China. ”

This is Xiao Zheng's rare point of view, Xiao Chen listened, was silent for a while, and then said: "Actually, our views have something in common, I think that the new industry should be marked by high technology content, and Uncle you just said that even if Huaxia wants to be the world's factory, it must improve technology." So the fundamental point is the same, that is, technology determines development. ”

Xiao Zheng smiled slightly and diverted the topic again: "Recently, a question that the world is eagerly concerned about is China's new economic development strategy, how do you think this strategy can be formulated?" ”

Xiao Chen smiled: "China's economic development strategy has undergone a series of changes. In 1953~1978, China's economic development model was to give priority to the development of heavy industry. From the first five-year plan, we copied the Soviet model of development, with heavy industry accounting for 85% of industrial investment. In 1956, President Máo sensed that there was a problem with this model of industrial development and proposed a development strategy of 'agriculture over agriculture'. However, it was not until the structural adjustment in 1979~1981 that China's economic structure was improved, and agriculture, light industry, and service industries all developed to a certain extent.

After reform and opening up, China has readjusted the structure of the national economy on many occasions, until the Ninth Five-Year Plan proposes to actively change the mode of economic growth, and the premise of this is to change the system, and the goal and proposal of the Ninth Five-Year Plan is to realize the transformation of the two systems. However, fundamentally speaking, many institutional changes in our country have not been realized, and the disadvantage is that we have focused on changing the results (growth mode) rather than changing the causes (the path of industrialization), so we have retained many of the problems left over from the old system, and the reform effect is not obvious.

The legacy of the old system is more prominent in the following aspects, some of which I have just said: first, the government still has a large power over the allocation of important economic resources; Second, GDP growth is still the main criterion for evaluating cadres; Third, the current fiscal and taxation system still uses value-added tax as the main type of tax, and under the conditions of decentralization of power between the central and local governments and distortion of factor prices, all localities are encouraged to develop industries with large output value and large incomes. If these problems cannot be solved, it will inevitably lead to political officials at all levels following the old-fashioned path of industrialization.

In the actual implementation of the Tenth Five-Year Plan, two issues have changed. First, the basic role of the market as the main body of economic restructuring has weakened; Second, there has been a change in the direction of structural adjustment, and it is not in accordance with comparative advantages. ”

At this time, Xiao Ning suddenly said a word: "Dad, Xiao Chen, let me say a word." In fact, I have always felt that whether it is appropriate to put the economic development strategy from the perspective of the country's macro strategy is a question of whether it is appropriate. The concept of economic development strategy makes us often hope that the understanding of some people will become a policy that governs the allocation of resources in the whole country, so that the government has to give considerable power, so the government department actually likes to use the concept of 'development strategy' the most. No matter what we discuss as a matter of priority, when we get to the political fǔ, it tends to be distorted into the thing that best shows its performance, because it is not possible to really set up a good jīincentive mechanism for the political fǔ. The policy of the government will definitely distort the allocation of market resources, and discriminate between different enterprises, resulting in a lot of rent-seeking behavior and ** phenomenon, so I have always felt that it is impossible to rely on the government to develop these new industries. The good thing about the market is that it doesn't make everyone make the same mistakes, and now we want people who don't make mistakes to make industrial policies for the country and tell us how resources should be allocated, which is very dangerous, because there are no such people, and the mistakes of some people will lead to the mistakes of the whole society. ”

Xiao Zheng said with a smile: "We all know that Comrade Stalin developed heavy industry in the former Soviet Union in those years, although he played a certain role in the anti-fascist war at that time, but in the long run, it will do more harm than good, and it will not work." Under the leadership of Comrade Nanxun and your grandfather, Huaxia put forward the idea of developing a socialist market economy, and the market economy is to give full play to the basic role of the market in the allocation of resources. According to this inference, Xiao Ning's point just now is correct, but if his point of view is so straightforward, many people will not be able to accept it. There is actually a question of who will decide on the development strategy. Historically, some of the plans have been quite good, such as the Third Plenary Session of the 14 th CPC Central Committee and the Third Plenary Session of the 16 th CPC Central Committee, one of which is the "Decision on Several Issues Concerning the Establishment of a Socialist Market Economic System" and the other is the "Decision on Several Issues Concerning the Improvement of the Socialist Market Economic System." Therefore, under the Chinese system, the state plays a very important role in the allocation of resources, and it is inevitable to discuss the development strategy to a certain extent. At the same time, this may also be an advantage of Huaxia, although we have also encountered many setbacks, but we have such a decision-making process, as long as the party makes a decision, unify thinking, and use the party's decision to set a high degree of implementation, if this policy is right, it will be unfortunate. ”

Xiao Chen expressed some support for Xiao Ning: "If it is completely market-oriented strategic control, I think what Sister Ning said is completely correct, but this is not the case now, there should still be an economic strategic framework at the big level." But the micro should also be more market-oriented, I believe that there is a certain degree of marketization now, and enterprises can make the right decisions. For example, on the issue of rising labor costs in Lingnan, enterprises have made a rational choice. ”

Xiao Zheng smiled, but suddenly asked Ye Yù Ling, "What does Ye Ling think?" ”

Ye Yiling didn't intend to be chāmouthed, but when asked like this, he had to say: "I think economists have a responsibility to help the government change the existing economic environment, that is, the shift from the official standard to the business standard." In history, it can be seen that the stage when any country dominates the business standard is the stage when people's lives are the best and the stage with the highest level of GDP development; Whatever is in the official position must be the stage of the worst economic development. The root of the planned economy is a zero-expenditure budget, that is, if I give you a dollar, I will lose a piece. But the principle of market-based economics is that if I give you one dollar, I will get ten dollars back. The current price distortion is caused by the dominance of the government, and if the transformation of the government from the official standard to the business standard is not realized, it is impossible to achieve true marketization. ”

Xiao Chen expressed cautious support for this: "When we discuss economic development strategies, we especially look at economists who often ignore the constraints of the extra-economic system when discussing the economy. The factor prices that Sister Ning and Yù Ling said just now are underestimated, is it because the market price is low? No, it's artificially depressed. If the low price of labor in China is due to the fact that there are too many labor services, then why is land in China so scarce and so cheap? In the past, it was said that the ten years of wages for migrant workers were not long because of overwork, and this is the case with market equilibrium wages. Interestingly, both the local politician and the 'critical economist' say this, and the former says that he shirks responsibility: the market economy is like this, and we are not to blame. The latter is a way to deny marketization, and since the influx of labor due to freedom of movement has depressed wages, isn't the way out be to restrict movement and re-shackle the peasantry?

The 2004 shortage of migrant workers is a strong proof that the so-called cheap labor is not a fault of 'market equilibrium', but has non-economic factors. In my opinion, there are at least three points: the first is the lack of the so-called right to collective bargaining. In recent years, the pace of autonomy of the Huaxia Chamber of Commerce has far exceeded the pace of union autonomy, not to mention that migrant workers do not even have non-autonomous trade unions, and in the face of the pressure of combining the government, manufacturers and local household registration privileges, migrant workers cannot bargain collectively at all. How can there be 'market equilibrium' without bargaining? Second, there is no doubt that agriculture is a weak industry at the current stage of development. However, at least in the past few years, agriculture has been weaker than under normal conditions, and one of the very important reasons is that before the current tax and fee reform, China's tax revenue was actually 'backward and progressive,' and the poor benefited the rich, and the peasants' 'burden rate' was greater than that of other groups. This directly led to the abandonment of a large amount of land in the main grain-producing areas around the year 2000, and the rate at which peasants were 'squeezed out' of agriculture at an unusually accelerated rate. Third, many places still discriminated against migrant workers, and the policy of restricting and prohibiting entry was very strong, so at that time, migrant workers could only enter a few places, and the labor in these places was naturally 'excessive'. Last year, taxes and fees were reformed, and other places were admitted, and the 'cheap labor' in Lingnan was immediately difficult to maintain.

The above factors are all non-market factors. Now it is good to talk about 'political fǔ failure' and 'market failure', but in fact, it is 'out of order' in the field where government is effective, but it is 'very capable' in the field of market effectiveness. It's the other way around. For example, on the land issue, many people now say that land cannot be carried out. I doubt that land is the best choice, but the problem is that some 'three rural scientists' now say that land cannot be sī for reasons contrary to the reasons why some land management officials hate land sī. The former said that if there is land, the peasants will sell the land, and if the peasants lose their land, the world will be great, so it is necessary to provide land security for the peasants through 'official ownership'. However, the latter said that once the land was owned by the peasants, they would not sell it, and that the officials could not form a land enclosure movement to influence the attraction of investment and the operation of the city, and so on, so they had to rely on the 'official ownership' to seize the peasants' land. I have heard many times that some officials have said with indignation that if they had built a land sī, their city would not have developed so quickly, and the reason why Dongfang City was able to develop beyond the norm was because of the land enclosure system. Isn't this a slap in the face to the three rural scientists? In fact, it is very suspicious to say that the land sī caused the peasant war, but the statement of those officials shows that if the starting point of the land policy is like this, it will precisely cause land annexation, polarization, and even peasant war because of the 'land official ownership'. ”

Xiao Zheng couldn't help laughing: "Peasant War, is this over?" ”