"The police collect money from gambling stalls, the citizens go to the hospital to ask for money, the nurses and nurses who go to the hospital, and the tax collectors in the countryside are even more corrupt and unscrupulous. Without going to the field investigation, I never imagined that the social climate in the republic would reach this point. This is a public administration graduate who has just graduated from the Shanghai Youth Cadre Academy and was assigned by the United Council to conduct a social investigation in Jiangmen, Guangzhou, and his investigation report bluntly recorded the corruption in the republic in detail.

This was a norm in urban and rural society at that time, even if it was a life-saving fire brigade, "there is water to release water and no water to collect water", which is a portrayal of corruption in various urban fire brigades at that time, that is, firefighters arrived at the scene of the fire, if they did not receive bribes, they would not fight the fire, and directly closed the team. ”

As a matter of fact, both the Beijing government at the beginning and the Nanjing government of the later revolutionary party have taken measures to crack down on corruption in the building of systems, the formulation of policies and measures, and practical actions out of the need to maintain their own rule.

However, due to the turmoil in the city during this period, as well as the military dictatorship from the central to the local level, the unfettered power caused by the system itself determined that the anti-corruption struggle between the Beijing and Nanjing governments at that time could not be truly effective.

What's more, the supreme ruler connived at and even participated in the distribution of various "bad rules". "Bad rules" are a kind of improper illegal income, and all kinds of "bad rules" inherited from the Qing Dynasty have not only failed to curb them during the republican period, but have intensified them, not only for officials at all levels, but even for the president to participate in them.

"The two presidents of the revolutionary government were involved in it, taking Hu Chuanru as an example." He Tao of the Social Investigation Department gave an example: "According to the 'bad rules' that began when Jov was president, after the new president takes office, the Ministry of Finance should normally raise 1.5 million yuan, and the general minister of finance should personally send it to the new president as his pocket money after his arrival -- the president will keep 1 million yuan and give another 500,000 yuan to the general minister of finance."

After Hu Chuanru took office, this fee was sent by Zou Lu, the chief of transportation and the chief financial officer, but Hu Chuanru actually left all of them and did not give Zou Lu 500,000 yuan as usual.

Until the recovery of Guangzhou, Zou Lu fled to Nanyang and lived without a fixed place. Some people persuaded Hu Chuanru to return part of the money to Zou Lu and borrow money to compensate for his losses, but Hu Chuanru only gave Zou Lu 80,000 yuan.

"All kinds of bribery and corresponding embezzlement for political purposes abound, starting from Beiyang, through Qiao Fu, Li Yuanlong, Hu Chuanru, and even local warlords Lu Rongting, Tang Jiyao, Cheng Dequan, Cheng Fu, Xiong Kewu, Liu Cunhou and other large and small military leaders, all of them took the lead." He Tao said.

As for Qiao Fu and Li Yuanlong, in order to stabilize their presidential status, they not only have to buy off the real power figures of their faction, but also try to buy some of Wu Chenxuan's figures. Among them, the former has the largest number of purchase expenditures and is also the most complex; There is no shortage of military and political officials in power for the latter, but they are usually meat buns and dogs.

At the same time, the revolutionary government also noted the need to buy off the "interviews", "newsletters", "propaganda" and other operational expenses of the press and cultural circles in order to maintain the semblance of glamour.

While taking the lead in corruption, Jof and others also made a series of measures to fight corruption, and it should be said that for a period of time, this also played a role in preventing excessive abuse of power. However, these measures that treat the symptoms but do not cure the root cause are like scratching the itch in the boots, and from the president's point of view, they cannot be implemented. With the establishment of government agencies becoming more and more complete and the functions and powers increasing day by day, the illegal and dereliction of duty of officials also increased, which began to endanger the rule of the Nanjing government.

In the third year of the Republic, Joffe had ordered Lin to establish the Law Yuan Suppression Department, which was responsible for the prosecution of officials who violated the law and failed their duties. It is a pity that the Su Zheng Office only existed during the Qiao Fu period, and Qiao Fu, who was bent on monopolizing power, had the final say on the judgment of the Su Zheng Office. After Qiaofu's death, Hu Chuanru, who succeeded him, implemented dictatorship and autocracy in the name of "democracy" and simply "abolished the Suzheng Hall under the Law Yuan."

Later, although the United Parliament continued to recover the country, and the flames of the First World War did not spread to the land of China, the domestic political situation also calmed down, and in the areas ruled by the revolutionary party and the warlords, local government officials at all levels were able to use their power and corruption to gain power. What is even more urgent is that with the stability of the rule, corruption has become common in the south, and the area under Wu Chenxuan's rule has expanded rapidly, and there is a shortage of cadres, and there are not enough officers and sergeants in the Youth Cadre Institute and the army for retired training officers, and most of the old bureaucrats have been able to stay in office.

Wu Chenxuan was also shocked by the speed of corrosion of these cadres by the investigation reports of the Intelligence Investigation Bureau and the Unified Investigation Bureau, but he was well aware of the cruelty and long-term nature of the anti-corruption struggle, so Wu Chenxuan still cautiously did not adopt the method of a large-scale campaign to vigorously set off a "few antis and several antis" movement. However, Wu Chenxuan did not tolerate these corrupt silverfish, and he planned to use a more long-term and institutionalized means of struggle to deal with this stubborn disease that had plagued the rulers of this land for thousands of years.

"Throughout thousands of years in China, no matter which dynasty or generation, officials will be actively or passively constrained by traditional old morality, and the most important point is that those who are in power must be honest and honest." An official from entering the office to retiring, if he can have a clean breeze on his sleeves and die without huge wealth, he can generally win a good reputation in the world. However, whether it is moral restraint or institutional prevention, corrupt officials still emerge in an endless stream, and many dynasties eventually collapse their embankments, and no officials are not greedy, and they are going to fall. "This is a certain passage of Wu Chenxuan's speech at the graduation ceremony of outstanding cadres in the 10th year of the Jinan Youth Cadre Academy, and people with a heart have already felt the taste of the mountain rain." No political party or government official in the world lives in a vacuum, and corruption cannot be solved simply by virtue of morality and by a certain system. Only by safeguarding the interests of the people and accepting the people's supervision can we truly curb official corruption once and for all. The government's fight against corruption relies on the masses, and it is clear that cadres at all levels are vigilant against national law and party discipline, and that they have a clear belief in morality. It is necessary to let those who have entered the government for the purpose of seeking personal gain, being promoted to official positions and making fortunes, be afraid all day long, and let those honest and promising cadres be able to shoulder great responsibilities. ”

As a result, Wu Chenxuan's speech at the Double 12 of the Jinan Youth Cadres Institute not only meant the formation of an anti-corruption storm, but also set up a maverick organ among government agencies, the Anti-Corruption Institute

Yu Boxun was originally one of the very few relatively honest officials in the revolutionary party, and if he was in the revolutionary party, he could only clean himself, but he was promoted by Wu Chenxuan from the post of military enterprise inspector, but he was given the opportunity to prove himself.

After more than half a year, the number of corrupt officials involved in his desk alone awaited investigation, and the number of corrupt officials involved reached as many as 69,500, more than 34,000 people were prosecuted, and 11,268 officials were sent to the court, including mayors, county magistrates, and other chief officials, of whom 9,821 were sent to prison (some of the circumstances were minor and only deprived of official positions), and only 156 people could be reinstated as innocent officials. Such a proportional ratio would seem incredible even to later generations. It is rare for such a large-scale dismissal of officials, or even direct imprisonment, in all dynasties.

Since the head office has zero tolerance for corruption, then this institution is equivalent to holding the sword of Shang Fang. However, China is a society of personal affection, and officialdom is even more so, those old and new bureaucrats who do not have a relationship with the same clan and fellow villagers and classmates in the same year, they can find a backer with a little activity, but in front of the anti-corruption institute, all this seems to be ineffective, it is said that even Xiong Bingsan was entrusted by someone to say personal favors to a friend of the same year in Hunan, but Yu Youren categorically refused, and was even almost transferred to the Intelligence Bureau for investigation. Lao Xiong was later called by the general seat to enlighten, and had to apologize to Yu Youren in person, and the people naturally praised Yu Qingtian who could refute the face of a country's second assistant to the endear, and the reputation of the iron-faced selfless Yu Bo Xun will soon catch up with Bao Zheng Hairui.

Later, the Ju Zhijun case made this new institution even more famous. Ju Zhijun, Minister of Railways of the Nanjing Government, was relatively capable compared to some mediocre officials, but he also fell into the whirlpool of corruption in the officialdom of the revolutionary party. At the beginning of the 11th year of the Republic, someone reported in writing to the Anti-Corruption Institute that Ju Zhijun was involved in corruption, and the time, place, and witnesses were all listed in detail, and at that time, the person in charge of the two roads (Beijing, Shanghai, and Jinpu) jointly sent a huge amount of money to Minister Ju, called the special fee, Ju Zhijun accepted the money but did not report it, nor did he know about his colleagues, and part of the money had already been spent. Dean Yu was determined to handle the case to the end, after all, he was a core figure of the revolutionary party, and Yu Youren also cautiously asked Wu Chenxuan's opinion before he started, and got the instruction of "not only swatting flies, but also fighting tigers".

With the proud record of sending tens of thousands of one-party parents to prison and pulling down Ju Zhijun and other central government bigwigs in the past six months, the Anti-Corruption Institute took the opportunity to make its own signboard. "The Anti-Corruption Institute is fully committed to upholding fairness and justice, stability and prosperity in China, and will work together with all the people to unswervingly clarify officials and promote corruption through a three-pronged approach of law enforcement, education and prevention." The declaration of the Anti-Corruption Institute has brought countless aspiring young people into the training school of the Anti-Corruption Institute, and this batch of anti-corruption talents has brought the mission of anti-corruption to the corners of China.

When the officials focused all their attention on the law enforcement agency of the Anti-Corruption Bureau, they never imagined that the killer weapon of the Anti-Corruption Agency turned out to be another seemingly chicken department.