Having taken care of Beck and the other veterans who opposed his adventurous war policy, Sitara had been dealt with, the last cable tied to the German tank broke.

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The disruption of the balance of power in the newer and fastest novel has changed not only the relations between small countries and Germany, but also those between small countries.

"Doglegs"

improved their position and counted on some of the stolen goods.

Poland planned a military occupation of Lithuania to offset the effects of the German-Austrian merger; On March 17, however, it sent an ultimatum calling for normal diplomatic relations.

Red Russia warned Poland that Russia reserved the right to act in the event of an armed attack on Lithuania.

For the restrictions laid down in the peace treaty, which Germany had triumphantly destroyed, could no longer compel Hungary and Bulgaria to comply.

Bulgaria signed a non-aggression pact with the Balkan Entente Group in Thessaloniki on 31 July, which recognizes Bulgaria's equal status in armaments and its full sovereignty over its territory, but it has not joined the Balkan Entente Group or renounced its claim to amend the peace treaty.

On 22 August, Hungary and the Little Entente signed a similar agreement in Bled.

If Bulgaria had not become a vassal of Germany today, as it had been a vassal of Italy ten years ago, if Hungary had not been forced to become a "subsidiary power of equal status" economically

These agreements could have taken on the character of small nations uniting against the German threat.

The German-Austrian merger galvanized German and Hungarian Democratic Workers' Party members in Hungary and increased German pressure and propaganda; In May of the fifteenth year of the first century, Horthi replaced Dalanyi with Imredi in order to contain National Socialism in Hungary.

But like Tolfiscárolle and Stojadinovich, Imredi's policy can only be to emulate the disease that threatens it, the effect of which is not to immune, but to pave the way for a real disease.

When the crisis in Czechoslovakia grew in the summer, the only sign of the vitality of the Little Entente was the many Yugoslav youths who went to the Czech embassies and consulates to apply, willing to serve in the event of war.

They came to Prague in July to participate in the national sports organization "Sokol"

The warmest guests of the last grand gala.

They provided aid to Masaryk's country, just as Masaryk had sponsored the cause of the Serbs and Croats at the Agram trial when Europe was on the verge of ruin, but it was the great powers, not the small ones, that finally settled the Czechoslovak problem, as was the case with almost all such crises.

The first partition of Czechoslovakia in September-November was the result of a war without a fight, which overthrew the Versailles settlement and made Germany the undisputed dominant power of Eastern Europe.

The crisis was a severe test of policy for the countries of Eastern Europe, providing a model for the various forces that would be able to choose from the forces that would break out into real war a year later.

The decisive factor was the policy of the Western countries, whose determination could make the Franco-Czech alliance ineffective, so that the fate of Eastern Europe once again depended on the forces outside Eastern Europe; However, the next two most important factors were the policies of Poland and Czechoslovakia within Eastern Europe.

Polish policy was purely opportunistic, which Beck naively called "independent"

Policy.

Outwardly, Poland's policy was based on fear of both Germany and Russia, so in September 1938 it again tried to play the trick of a neutral bloc between Germany and Russia, this time to expand it into the "Helsinki-Bucharest axis"

It was as if Poland could become a great power by standing on a chair.

But as war loomed, it was fair to say that Poland was not in balance between Germany and Russia, between which Germany was a more immediate danger to Poland, Poland was inclined towards Germany, and its hostility towards Russia was more blatant.

In the face of ferocious German tanks and polar bears, they can still play the so-called balanced containment policy half-heartedly, and I really don't know whether to praise the Poles for their naivety or laugh at their stupidity.

There was also a factor at play, namely, Poland's desire for immediate territorial gains.

If Germany fought Czechoslovakia alone, Poland would join Germany in defeating and dismembering Czechoslovakia, although Poland's military measures were not coordinated with those of Germany, and it might consider itself to be able to fight on its own.

Even if France fulfilled its obligations in alliance with Czechoslovakia, Poland was unwilling to assure the French ambassador to Poland, Noel, of neutrality.

From here, it can also be seen that the French alliance system will eventually be mired in its own internal contradictions.

Poland, which had a treaty of alliance with France, which was primarily directed against Germany, would join Germany in attacking Czechoslovakia, France's other ally, even when France was at war with Germany to defend Czechoslovakia.

The argument made by the Poles was that Czechoslovakia would inevitably collapse anyway, and that it was in Poland's interest to recover the territories it had taken from it, and that it was in France's interest to make Poland so strong and enlarged as the leader of the Eastern European neutral bloc between Germany and Russia.

This argument, which requires greed and misjudgment, is a very good reason not to adhere to principles.

But perhaps the most important factor was Poland's dislike of Red Russia, an ally of Czechoslovakia.

Fighting Germany on the side of Czechoslovakia almost certainly meant fighting against Germany on the side of Russia, and with that entailed the danger of transiting the Red Russian Army and Air Force, which had not laid down their swords and guns since twenty years earlier, to which Poland could not agree under any circumstances.

Finally, Poland was by no means impartial between Germany and Russia, and it could cooperate with Germany against Russia, but never with Russia against Germany, which was the opposite of Czechoslovakia's relations with these two countries.

As a result, the only country that could save the Czechs closed its doors to the country at the crossroads of Europe, and although the Czechoslovak diplomat was still running around, even God could not save his fate.

The same thing happened in the Far East, in the quiet and delicate Akasaka Palace, the emperor who had been lying on his salary for nearly fifteen years was secretly talking with his cronies, that is, several generals among the young officers who had only risen in the last ten years, although there were no two bad songs, Dochimaru and Ishihara, but as far as the fertile soil of Japan was concerned, it was not too difficult to find a few bad seeds, so when the radiant Yayoi Haranosuke was a proud board* When Seishiro Gaki walked out of the palace with some unsuitable fake Sven Takeo Awata.

What they will bring to this country is the smoke of war.

However, Japan sandwiched between China and the United States is still wiser than Poland, which is naturally staying, although they ostensibly rely on the support of the United States, Britain and France, expand their armaments and war, and act as the vicious dog of the country, but this immature white-eyed wolf is quietly eyeing the territory of several masters at this moment, and this time the gamble of national fortune is far from the moment when the color cup is revealed.

Poland's own territorial claims to Czechoslovakia were limited to Ceschin.

But it supported Hungary to the south, and Hungary was second only to Germany in order to dismember Czechoslovakia.

Poland also supported Romania, which was between Czechoslovakia and Russia and had important defense relations with Czechoslovakia.

Poland has a common border with Romania, and a common border with Hungary has yet to be created.

In Poland's plan for a neutral bloc, the struggle for Poland's border with Hungary was the small* nucleus of reality and achievement, part of which was aimed at widening the barrier between Germany and Russia.

The way to achieve this was for Hungary to extend its borders, to restore the borders that it had once had on the Carpathian ridge, and to realize all its demands for a revision of the peace treaty in Czechoslovakia, not only with the Magyars of the same nationalist nationalism, but also with Lucinia and even Slovakia.

Poland, for its part, is only concerned with the elimination of Lucinia as a potential center of Ukrainian nationalism, which can be relied upon to eradicate the hidden danger if the province is recovered by Hungary.

But this meant the collapse of the Little Entente, and that Yugoslavia and Romania would not come to the aid of Czechoslovakia.

Hungary had sought to renounce its claims to Yugoslavia in exchange for the latter's guaranteed neutrality, and it had sought Mussolini's assurances to attack Yugoslavia if the latter attacked Hungary.

It did not receive any of the above two formal assurances.

Stojadinovic was cautious, and during his visit to Berlin in January of the fifteenth year of the first century, he reaffirmed Yugoslavia's obligations to the Little Entente, both to Sitara and later to the French.

The German-Austrian merger probably tilted Yugoslavia's policy somewhat in favor of the Axis powers.

When the Czechoslovak crisis ignited and instigated throughout the summer, Yugoslavia told the Italians that Yugoslavia would not intervene in the Hungarian-Czechoslovak conflict if Hungary allowed Germany to take the lead in the invasion, or ostensibly as if Czechoslovakia had provoked it.

Italy also did not say that if Yugoslavia had good relations with the Axis powers, Yugoslavia would not attack Hungary.

Because Italy was trying to pull Yugoslavia into the Roman bloc, and even wanted to quietly extend Italy's influence north all the way to Warsaw.

Mussolini's speech in Trieste on 18 September openly extended the Sudetenland dispute for the first time to include the Hungarian and Polish minorities in Czechoslovakia, and in his speech during the crisis, he ostentatiously supported these proviso demands in his speech during his tour of northern Italy.

So in the chaotic diplomatic situation in Europe, all the countries, under the banner of national interests, carried the fat sheep of Czechoslovakia to the barbecue grill, and while the Germanic chef slaughtered the fat sheep, the diners from Poland to Italy had already tied their napkins and waited for their share of meat with knives and forks in hand.

The fate of Europe was pushed into the abyss by these countries from the crossroads, and when it was John Bull and the Gallic Rooster who were leisurely eating melon seeds, the Czechoslovak diplomats were still racking their brains for international support, as if they still believed that the fate of Czechoslovakia was in their own hands.

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