After listening to Chen Mingyu's words, Huang Henian nodded and asked again: "Mingyu, where do you think the difference is?" ”

Chen Mingyu did not have any modesty, and then said: "Compared with the former Soviet Union, one of the biggest differences is that the political situation in the former Soviet Union is very chaotic, the leadership is not determined enough, and it has been peacefully evolved by Western countries, and the ideology of the interest strata is not unified, and many policies are not based on the interests of the country, but on the interests of some people. The current political form of our country is very stable, and it is simply a fool's dream for Western countries to carry out peaceful evolution of our country, and the people of the whole country are united in their hearts, and what we lack now is just a reform and development path suitable for our national characteristics. Therefore, the current situation in our country is much better than the situation in the former Soviet Union at that time! ”

In addition, after the collapse of the former Soviet Union, as an opposition to the former Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Russian President Boris Yeltsin believed that the reforms since the 50s of the 20th century, piecemeal and tinkering, ruined the future of the Soviet Union in vain. Having learned from the pain, Russia should avoid repeating the mistakes of the past, reinvigorate the majesty of a great power, and no longer be an old lady with small feet, but should take drastic measures and carry out profound changes. In this case, Yeltsin reused Gaidar, who was only 35 years old, and promoted him to prime minister. Gaidar concocted a radical program of economic reforms, implementing 'shock therapy', and at the suggestion of Geoffrey Sachs, wanted to replicate the brilliant achievements of Geoffrey Sachs in Bolivia. However, what Gaidar overlooked was that Russia is not Bolivia, that each country has its own special circumstances, and that the success achieved in Bolivia cannot be fully replicated in Russia. Yeltsin was too superstitious about the mature experience of foreign countries and did not take into account the actual situation in his own country, and the failure of the reform can be imagined! And then look at our country? As early as September 1982, at the 12th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the chairman proposed to take the road of socialism with Chinese characteristics and integrate Marxism-Leninism with China's reality. ”

Tao Xuewei is very familiar with Russia's economic reform, and this is an important topic for his research, and continued: "Mingyu is right, when Russia first adopted 'shock therapy', the whole world was very shocked, and our country was very concerned!" The highlight of shock therapy, the first step is to liberalize prices, which is very similar to the 'price break' carried out by our country in 88! It's just that Russia's approach is more radical, which also leads to the fact that although Russia realizes its mistake after liberalizing prices, it has no chance to correct it. ”

"Just after New Year's Day last year, the Russian government stipulated that from January 2, 1992, 90 percent of the prices of consumer goods and 80 percent of the prices of means of production will be liberalized. At the same time, restrictions on income growth were lifted, salaries for public servants were increased by 90 per cent, pensioners were raised to 900 rubles per month, family allowances and unemployment benefits were also raised. In the first three months of price liberalization, the results seemed to be immediate, and the results were obvious. The long shopping queues are gone, the shelves are full of goods, and the Russians, who are accustomed to long queues with ticket supplies, seem to see the benefits of the reforms. It didn't take long for prices to skyrocket like a kite with a broken string, and by April, the price of consumer goods had risen 65 times compared to December 1991. The government originally wanted to stabilize prices through state-run stores, but unexpectedly, black-market vendors and state-run store workers colluded to resell goods and make huge profits. Due to the premature liberalization of fuel and raw material prices, the production costs of enterprises have increased sharply, and by June, the wholesale price of industrial products has risen 14 times, so high prices have made buyers daunted, the consumer market continues to be sluggish, and the demand is not strong and in turn inhibits supply, enterprises have compressed production, and market supply and demand have entered a dead cycle. ”

"The second step of shock therapy, the fiscal and monetary 'double tightening' policy and the price reform were introduced almost simultaneously. The main reason for fiscal austerity is to increase revenue and reduce expenditure. Tax incentives are abolished, and all goods are subject to 28% value-added tax, while excise tax on imported goods is added. In tandem with the revenue increase measures, the government cut public investment, military and office spending, included off-budget funds in the federal budget, and restricted local governments from using bank loans to cover their deficits. The tightening monetary policy includes raising the central bank's lending rate, establishing a reserve requirement system, and implementing a loan limit management to control the flow of money and curb inflation at the source. This time, however, the government miscalculated. Due to the excessively heavy tax burden, the production of enterprises has shrunk further, and the number of unemployed has surged, and the government has no choice but to increase relief subsidies and direct investment, and the fiscal deficit has risen instead of falling. Tight credit has led to a serious shortage of working capital for enterprises, mutual arrears between enterprises, and increasingly serious triangular debts. ”

"The third step in shock therapy is mass privatization. Gaidar believes that the main reason why the reform is full of dangers and crises is that the state-owned enterprises are not the main players in the market, the competition mechanism does not work, and the price reform is like building a tower in the sand, which will collapse with a bang as soon as the wind blows. In order to speed up the privatization process, the Government's initial approach was to give it away on a free basis. According to the assessment of relevant experts, one-third of the total value of Russia's state-owned property is about 1.5 trillion rubles, and the population is just 150 million. As a result, each Russian received a 10,000 ruble privatized securities, which he could purchase freely with a certificate. However, by the time the privatization was officially launched, it was already October 1992, and time had passed, and 10,000 rubles at this time was only enough to buy a pair of high-end leather shoes. Therefore, this measure has caused a large number of state-owned enterprises to fall into the hands of the privileged stratum and nouveau riche, and what they are most concerned about is not the long-term development of the enterprises, but the fact that they will change profits as soon as possible; the workers and workers will not receive dividends and will not have the right to participate in decision-making. In December 1992, Gaidar's government was dissolved. ”

As an expert who also has a deep study of the former Soviet Union, Huang Henian couldn't help but feel a little "itchy" after listening to Chen Mingyu and Tao Xuewei's deceptive discussions, and then Tao Xuewei's words said: "The failure of shock therapy has almost halved Russia's GDP, and by the end of last year, Russia's total GDP was only 1/10 of that of the United States. Shock therapy is a copy of other people's practices, completely contrary to Russia's national conditions, and failure is inevitable. This is arguably the most fundamental mistake made by the reformers of the Russian democratic faction in the process of Russia's economic transition. Therefore, when carrying out the reform of state-owned enterprises, our country must conscientiously study Russia's mistakes, draw experience, and absolutely not follow the old road that Russia has taken. ”

Tao Xuewei suddenly laughed.

Huang Henian asked curiously, "Xuewei, what are you laughing at?" Am I not right? ”

Tao Xuewei said: "Director Huang, don't get me wrong, I didn't mean that. It's just that I think the three of us sitting here drinking and discussing national affairs have a feeling of pointing out the country and inspiring words! ”

Huang Henian also laughed and said, "Although the level of the three of us is a little lower, the rise and fall of the country is the responsibility of the husband!" If the scholars and doctors of the old society still know this truth, we must not be left behind. Besides, we are not idle here in vain, our exchange today is very meaningful! Especially the points that Mingyu just put forward, I think they are very good! The three of us will get together at any time in the future and talk about our thoughts and suggestions. In addition, Xuewei, this period of time is mainly hard for you to write this paper. When the time comes, let's put this paper into the internal reference, once a senior leader sees it and gets his affirmation, it may provide a lot of useful opinions for the reform of our country's state-owned enterprises and the path of social development, which is a good thing for the benefit of the country and the people! ”

Tao Xuewei said: "That's right! Don't worry, I'll do a good job of writing, but in terms of content, it's mainly up to the two of you to give more opinions! ”

Huang Henian smiled and said, "You Xuewei, you are still very modest!" ”

Several people were chatting happily, and suddenly there was a knock on the door of the room, and Huang Henian shouted, "Come in!" ”

Immediately after, the door of the room was pushed open, and two middle-aged men walked in with wine.

After seeing the people who came in, Chen Mingyu was startled and immediately stood up! Because the man in the black jacket, the man with a small flat head is none other than their county magistrate Zhou Zhidong in Huayang! Who is the other chubby person, Chen Mingyu doesn't know, but since he came here with Zhou Zhidong, he must also be a person in the officialdom!

"Director Huang, we're here to toast you!" Zhou Zhidong said with a smile.

"Director Huang, when we were having dinner together a few days ago, you had a problem with your throat and couldn't drink, and I missed the opportunity to have a drink with you, you can't shirk it today, right?" The chubby man laughed too.

Huang Henian smiled: "No problem today!" However, Zhidong, Ji Quan, how do you two know that I am drinking here? ”

Zhou Zhidong said with a smile: "I went out just now, and I saw your back on the way back, and I wanted to call you, but you have already entered the room." So I went back and called Ji Quan, and we toasted you together. ”

Huang Henian said: "I went to the bathroom just now, I didn't expect to be seen by you, it seems that we have to drink this glass of wine today, haha......"

Chen Mingyu finally had time to say to Zhou Zhidong at this time: "Hello, County Magistrate Zhou! Then he greeted the chubby smile again.

From what Huang Henian called this chubby man just now, Chen Mingyu could probably guess that this person should be Ou Jiquan, the county magistrate of Tong County. Of course, Chen Mingyu didn't dare to be completely sure about this, so before he was officially introduced, Chen Mingyu didn't rashly call him.

In addition, Chen Mingyu was also a little surprised by the fact that Zhou Zhidong and Ou Jiquan came to toast Huang Henian.

Because according to the level, Huang Henian, as the deputy director of the Municipal Government Research Office, is just a deputy department-level cadre. And Zhou Zhidong and Ou Jiquan are both county magistrates, with real power, and they are both cadres at the department level, and their level is one level higher than Huang Henian.

Although the state now attaches great importance to research in the ideological field, and the status of the research office is relatively high, after all, the research office only exists as a think tank of the city leaders and does not have much real power. In terms of the officialdom status of the three of them in Huayang County, at least on the surface, Huang Henian is not as good as Zhou Zhidong and Ou Jiquan.

For example, the secretary of the secretary of the municipal party committee is generally just a cadre at the department level, but he is often privately called the "No. 2 chief", not only the party and government leaders of various districts and counties will respect him very much when they see him, but even other members of the municipal party committee dare not underestimate him!

However, if Zhou Zhidong and they met Huang Henian face-to-face and came over to toast him, it was normal, but in the case that Huang Henian didn't meet them at all, Zhou Zhidong just saw a back of Huang Henian, so he pulled Ou Jiquan to toast Huang Henian, this kind of respect for Huang Henian seems to be a little too high.

Is this because Huang Henian is standing behind Executive Vice Mayor Guo Yuancheng?

Thinking of this, Chen Mingyu couldn't help but feel a little playful.