Section 337 Common Program - Patriarchs

Next, the "Work Report of the Executive Committee of the First Plenary Assembly of the Travelers of 1628~1629" and the "Work Report of the People's Committee of Jihua 1628~1629" by Ma Qianzhuo were reviewed. Because the two reports are very long, with nearly 150,000 words in full, and have been published in full on BBS for many days, I will not re-read them at the conference and go directly to the discussion and deliberation stage. Not many people spoke, probably because the report was too long and covered a wide range of topics, and few people would be willing to read it carefully. The criticisms were mainly focused on the fact that the Executive Committee did not care enough about the lives of ordinary people, ignored the needs of the masses for a long time, and did not make the cadre appointment system transparent.

Ma Jia paid attention, Shan Liang didn't jump out to speak, and the most energetic people who jumped up and down during the march: Cheng Mo, Sun Li and others didn't get up to speak.

Strange, are they still preparing a backhand, ready to make a heart strike at a critical time? Ma Jia was vigilant while presiding over the meeting.

However, judging from the content of the speeches, it is clear that the vast majority of the people have not read these two crucial "work reports" - at least not seriously. The questions raised by the speaker are still the product of his own sensibility-sexuality-thinking. Ma Jia shook his head: This group of people is really too tender to engage in parliamentary struggle.

The spokesman did not even grasp the basic information of the object of questioning, and relied on what he had seen, even hearsay, to talk about it, and completely relied on his own feelings to "make up for it", so it is strange that such doubts can produce effectiveness. Everyone can talk about democracy, but it seems that everyone still has no idea how to carry out democracy.

After going to an open vote, the two reports were adopted by an absolute majority. Ma Jia thinks that this is also expected: there is no need to list many figures, and everyone can see the rapid development status of Lingao's industry, agriculture and various constructions. No one doubts the competence of the old Executive Committee, and no one can deny their performance. In fact, what everyone fears most is that this prosperity will have nothing to do with them. After the change of boundaries, how the new executive committee members can make everyone feel the "common interests" is the most important.

Most of the meetings on the first day were administrative affairs-sex-topics, and there were not many elements of controversy, and there were few hot issues that everyone was concerned about. It is also easy to correct at any time.

The rules of procedure developed by the people of the vest and the law club also stumbled in practice.

On the second day, the meeting moved on to issues of greater concern to the participants, starting with the consideration of the Common Programme. The common programme is equivalent to the constitutional status within the cross-group at this stage.

In order to revise this common program, the Law Club has set up a special group to take care of the work of the Preparatory Committee. In addition to the members of the law club, professionals from all walks of life who participated in the discussion were specially invited to express their opinions at the discussion meeting. The group for the development of a common programme outside of the profession also took note of the division of social components and ethnic groups, dividing people with similar life experiences, backgrounds, occupations, and political orientations into small groups, and then identifying representatives-sexual-figures from this group for consultation. and write out the relevant provisions separately.

On this basis, the drafting group will decide on the first draft of the "Common Program for the Crossing Group at the Current Stage", and publish the full text on the internal BBS for public consultation and discussion, so as to absorb suggestions from all sides.

Most of the provisions of the Common Programme are the basic consensus within the Crossing Group, such as the equality of all people, and the equality of the Crossing Group over the indigenous people, but there are still a lot of differences, which involve not only the interests of many but also the values of many people. Among these 500-odd people, there are all kinds of values, including resolute universalists, totalitarians, emperors, leftists, and rightists. Therefore, in the stage of soliciting opinions, there are constantly people who put forward various suggestions and opinions on the intranet BBS. The focus of the observations was on power structures, the question of succession among the transverse peoples, the status of indigenous peoples and attitudes towards foreign peoples. The opinions gathered from various quarters on the BBS show that the attitudes of the parties are quite opposed. Ma Jia thinks that this is not a bad thing - for a semi-rabble like the Crossing Group, it is more realistic to admit differences of opinion and decide the future direction of the group through public discussion than to force "unity of thought".

"As long as it is fully discussed and approved by the General Assembly, those who want to be overturned in the future can be suppressed with the hat of public opinion." He said.

It is precisely because of the sensitivity of these issues that they also involve the issue of personal values, and it is difficult to force everyone to accept the regulations without the big hat of public opinion.

If you want to overturn the resolution, you have to go the way of parliamentary struggle. However, this places high demands on people's organizational skills, oratorical skills, and political judgment. It's not something you can do in a tavern or on BBS. In the future, to be an opposition is a job with a high content of jishu. Ma Jia hopes that the future struggle within the group will be confined to parliament, rather than engaging in street politics like the maid revolution, and expressing his wishes in the form of demonstrations - the latter is often easy to provoke - riots - chaos - and easy to use by careerists.

After more than half a month of publicity and soliciting opinions, the initial draft has been revised several times. From the time the first draft was written to the second plenary session, the draft was changed three times in more than half a month, and the drafting group itself discussed it three times. The Law Club held two discussions, and the Preparatory Committee held two discussions. It was not until the draft was voted on on the BBS on the intranet that it was basically approved, and then the text was formally submitted for discussion to the second plenary meeting.

The text submitted by Zuihou is a very abbreviated text that can only be regarded as an Interim Charter. In addition to the preamble, it is divided into 7 chapters and 60 articles, including the general outline, the organs of political power, the military system, economic policy, cultural and educational policy, ethnic policy, and foreign policy. The general principles, policies and principles of the nature, mission and aspects of the Group were defined.

Politically, the Common Program stipulates that the state system of the cross-group is an aristocratic republic. The patriarchal class, composed of all the time-travelers, is the ruling class and enjoys all the highest political, economic, and legal powers. The Senate, composed of the senators, was the highest authority that crossed the country.

The Programme reaffirmed the decision taken at the First Plenary Assembly that the seat of the senator shall be inherited by the children of the senator. Seats may not be revoked unless the senator is extinct or the senate votes on a "deprivation order".

The patriarch enjoys the right of habeas corpus, and the personal freedom, personal safety and property of the patriarch are sacrosanct. No person or organization shall have the right to arrest, try or confiscate property of the Senate, except as authorized by the Senate. Suspicions of crimes against the Senate and criminal and civil proceedings against the aborigines are handled by the Senate in the Honour Courts.

All senators are equal to each other, and they all have the right to vote, elect and be elected in the Senate, and enjoy all the rights enjoyed by the senators under the law.

Legally, there was a right to personal inequality between the patriarchs and the natives. Specifically, in terms of criminal precedents: the patriarch killed the natives and was only punished for the crime of property; The natives killed the patriarch in accordance with the criminal law of crossing the country in the future. Criminal and civil proceedings between the senators and the natives are final and cannot be appealed against the natives, but the senators may appeal once.

Criminal and civil proceedings between senators are dealt with by the Court of Honor. However, the Court of Honour does not have the power to sentence the execution of a senator or to pronounce a "deprivation order" depriving him of his senate seat - it must be decided by the Senate.

Only when the senator is found guilty of the following crimes: - killing other senators; voluntarily defecting to other shili to work for him; deliberately destroying the production capacity and scientific and technological data of the Group, causing irreparable losses; Declaring independence and establishing oneself - only then can one be stripped of his seat as a senator and sentenced to death.

No death penalty shall be imposed on any other crime or charge, whether or not it can be proven. The most severe punishment was the deprivation of the Senate seat for life. This seat can be restored by the children of the patriarch after his death.

Under normal circumstances, after being convicted by the court of honor, the senator is only allowed to be sentenced to property punishment and house arrest, during which he enjoys living conditions not lower than the average of the senators, and the legal property in his name is not violated.

The power of the patriarch is to pass through the crowd and discuss it a lot. The unanimous opinion of all was that in order to protect one's personal safety from one day being "purged and purged" by a careerist and to be put on a false hat, it was necessary to ensure the personal safety of every patriarch, regardless of his political face and code of conduct. It was even suggested during the discussion that a senator should not be sentenced to death for any crime other than killing other senators. However, there are also quite a few people who think that if it is too broad, it lacks a little deterrent effect of the law, and it is easy to cause the patriarchs to do whatever they want.

At the stage of discussion at the conference, Sun Li stood up and asked to speak on it. He challenged the last three of the four counts for which the death penalty was imposed. It is believed that the latter three counts have a relatively large arbitrariness and are easy to be exploited.

"Defecting to other shili and deliberately destroying productivity can both be achieved by falsifying evidence." Sun Li questioned, "When the Soviet Union carried out a rebellion, many marshals and generals, including Tukhachevsky, had all the charges, evidence, and witnesses for the so-called treason. Who can guarantee that someone will do something like this? ”