Chapter 144: Chongqing Negotiations (1)

After the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan, the main force of the Kuomintang was in the Kuomintang area, and it needed to be transferred from the rear to the enemy-occupied area in order to surrender, so Chiang Kai-shek sent three telegrams inviting Chairman Mao ** to Chongqing for negotiations, which was obviously just an expedient measure. In order to expose Chiang Kai-shek's conspiracy of "fake democracy and real civil war" in front of the people of the whole country, Chairman Mao ** risked his life and went to Chongqing to negotiate with Chiang Kai-shek.

From August 28, 1945 to October 11, 1945, the Chongqing negotiations lasted 45 days. After Mao ** arrived in Chongqing on the 28th, he stayed at Chiang Kai-shek's official residence in Geyue Mountain Forest Garden on the night of the 28th and 29th, and on the night of October 10, that is, the first night of his return to Yan'an, he also stayed at Lin Yuan's official residence, and the other nights he stayed at the Eighth Route Army Office in Hongyan Village, so Hongyan Village, Guiyuan, and Lin Yuan were also the main places for the Kuomintang and Communist Party negotiations.

Mao ** has to set off from Hongyan Village to Guiyuan every day, and return from Guiyuan to Hongyan Village after finishing work

During the negotiations in Chongqing, Chairman Mao met with people from all walks of life, including those in Hongyan Village, Guiyuan, and those where Chairman Mao went out to visit. The office of the Eighth Route Army and the Southern Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in Hongyan Village look like a two-story building on the outside, but in fact it is a three-story building on the inside, and above the attic is a secret radio station's workshop. Chairman Mao met here with Xu Deheng and Lao Junzhan and three US soldiers.

Guiyuan is Zhang Zhizhong's official residence, it is located in the center of Chongqing, opposite the then national ** and Chongqing **, surrounded by some ** departments, convenient for office and communication, so Zhang Zhizhong very happily vacated Guiyuan for Chairman Mao ** to live. Initially, Zhang Zhizhong hoped that Chairman Mao ** could live in that place, but Premier Zhou Enlai still did not let him live in consideration of safety issues, just as an office place for him in the city. There are reception rooms, kitchens, and guardhouses downstairs in Guiyuan, and upstairs there are Chairman Mao's office, Zhou Enlai's office, and Secretary Wang Bingnan's office. During Mao's work in Guiyuan, he received well-known people such as Song Qingling and Liu Yazi. Chongqing's celebrities, newspaper reporters, group leaders, **** people, etc., all went to Guiyuan to meet him.

In 1945, when the Chinese people's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression ended, the class contradictions in China gradually rose to become the main contradictions in society. With the support of the United States, the big landlords and big bourgeoisie represented by the Kuomintang wanted to compete for the fruits of victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and establish a nationwide dictatorship, which contradicted the ardent demand of the masses of the people represented by the Communist Party of China for the establishment of an independent, free, democratic, unified, and prosperous new China.

On the eve of the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party held their national congresses at almost the same time. The Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China was held from April 23 to June 11, 1945, and the Sixth National Congress of the Kuomintang was held from May 5 to 21, 1945. At the Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Mao made a report entitled "On Unity", proposing to completely eliminate the Japanese aggressors, abolish the one-party dictatorship of the Kuomintang, establish a democratic alliance, strive for the people's freedom, carry out rural reform, develop national industry, develop cultural and educational undertakings, unite intellectuals, strive for the political, economic, and cultural liberation and development of ethnic minorities, and establish peaceful, independent, and democratic diplomacy. The Sixth National Congress of the Chinese Kuomintang (KMT) quickly reacted strongly and resolutely rejected the CCP's proposal to establish a coalition and decided to convene a "National Convention" on November 12. Chiang Kai-shek also said in the General Political Report of the Sixth National Congress of the Kuomintang: "The central task today is to destroy the Communist Party!" Japan is our external enemy, and the CCP is our domestic enemy! Only by eliminating the CCP can we achieve our mission. ”

Since January 1945, the Kuomintang army has not relaxed its attack on the CCP armed forces. The tension between the KMT and the CCP caused the middlemen to fear a large-scale civil war. Seven political participants headed by Chu Fucheng sent a telegram to Mao ** and Zhou Enlai on June 2, hoping that the KMT and the CCP would continue to negotiate and complete unity as soon as possible. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China replied on the 16th expressing its desire for peace: "If the people's desire for unity and the enthusiastic appeal of the public are prompted to awaken the authorities, abandon the one-party dictatorship, convene a party conference, and immediately implement the most urgent democratic reforms, then our party will be happy to negotiate." The telegram also invited them to Yan'an. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China has expressed a positive attitude towards peace, and has even made certain compromises, and is prepared to consider recognizing the solution of "dictatorship plus some democracy" as a last resort, as long as the Kuomintang changes its policy.

On August 5, 1945, the **** League issued the "Urgent Appeal in the Victory of the Anti-Japanese War", putting forward the slogan of "democratic reunification, peaceful nation-building", and the political report of the Democratic League believed that after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, it was "a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for China to establish a democratic country", and the task of the Democratic League "is to study how to grasp this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to realize China's democracy and build China into a fully authentic democratic country." After Huang Yanpei returned to Chongqing from Yan'an, he and Hu Jiwen, Zhang Naiqi, Shi Fuliang, Li Zhuchen, and others jointly prepared and organized a *******, declaring that they were willing to "establish a model of political peaceful struggle for China with the cooperation of pure civilians, not leaning to the right or favoring the left." He advocated a balanced policy toward the United States and the Soviet Union, a conciliatory attitude toward the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and demanded political democracy, economic and ideological freedom. Zhang Bojun, the head of the third party, issued a statement to reporters, demanding that the Kuomintang "immediately end party rule, practice democracy, give democratic rights to the people, and recognize all existing legal status of anti-Japanese resistance."

Peace, democracy, became the key words in post-war China, Chiang Kai-shek took over these slogans, as an important reason to invite Mao ** to Chongqing, he had in the telegram to Mao **: "The war is over, and there is no room for internal strife." We will deeply understand the hardships of the country, sympathize with the people's sufferings, and work together to engage in construction

The United States, which rose to prominence in World War II, relied on its strong economic and military strength to actively expand globally in an attempt to establish a world order dominated by the United States. The goal of US policy toward China was to create a China that remained ostensibly independent, but in fact obeyed the orders of the United States, in order to "contain" the Soviet Union. Proceeding from this aim, since the end of World War II, the US policy toward China has changed from "aiding China to resist Japan" to "supporting Chiang Kai-shek," and this policy has become the main obstacle on the road to national liberation of the Chinese people

In order to avoid the outbreak of a new war and maintain a peaceful environment in the Far East, the Soviet Union also adopted a policy of compromise and concession on many issues, recognized the leading position of the United States in the Far East, supported the reunification of China under the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, and signed the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Alliance on August 14, 1945. On the one hand, the Soviet leaders prevented the United States from interfering in the Northeast, and on the other hand, they told the people that the CCP was not capable of leading the reunification of China, and only recognized and supported the "only legitimacy" of the people, and even told the CCP that "if there is a civil war, the Chinese nation is in danger of being destroyed." ”

Chiang Kai-shek did not give up his intention to destroy the Communist Party and the army under its leadership, and wanted to shift the responsibility for the civil war to the Chinese Communists through negotiations. In the case of sharp contradictions between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, Chiang Kai-shek believed that Mao ** would not go to Chongqing. If Mao did not come, Chiang Kai-shek could say that the Communists refused to negotiate peace, put the blame on the Communists, and thus start a civil war; If Mao ** comes, he will give the Communist Party several cabinet positions, force the Communist Party to hand over the liberated areas, hand over the army, and finally still eliminate the Communist Party with bare hands.

After the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, the Kuomintang began a competition with the Communists to preemptively take over the Japanese-occupied areas north of the Yangtze River, and negotiations could stall for time. In the later stages of the Anti-Japanese War, most of the Kuomintang troops retreated to the northwest and southwest regions, and it would take some time for the Communists to go to the front-controlled areas, and the Kuomintang lacked sufficient means of transportation to immediately send a sufficient number of Kuomintang troops, peacekeeping organs and administrative personnel to the vast areas occupied by the Japanese, while the Communists had already controlled most of the rural areas of North China.

It should respond to the general opposition of the people at home to the demand for civil war and peace, and the pressure of the United States, Britain and the Soviet Union not to approve of a large-scale civil war in China.

It reflects the strong will of the people to recuperate after a long war, and to do everything possible to strive for domestic peace, hoping that the goal of peaceful and democratic nation-building can be achieved.

Debunking Chiang Kai-shek's false peace face.

Gain some time to prepare for dealing with the Kuomintang.

Both the Kuomintang and the Communist Party devoted a great deal of energy to organizing this negotiation

Both sides have sent capable personnel to weave a negotiation delegation headed by Mao **, supplemented by Zhou Enlai, Wang Ruofei, Li Ming and others who understand the overall situation, are rich in negotiation experience, are witty and flexible, and are rigid and soft.

The Kuomintang delegation was controlled by Chiang Kai-shek and appointed senior officials who were politically sophisticated, able to act strictly according to their established policies, and advocated a political solution to the CCP problem. In addition to Chiang Kai-shek, there are mainly Wang Shijie, Zhang Qun, Zhang Zhizhong, and Shao Lizi.

Mao ** accompanied: Hurley; Chiang Kai-shek's advisors: Duanna; Ambassador of the Soviet Union: Petrov Ambassador of the United States and the Soviet Union.

Chiang Kai-shek's first telegram to Mao ** before the negotiations

Wan urgent, Yan'an

Mr. Mao** Honors:

The surrender of the Japanese invaders, the permanent peace situation in the world, can be expected to be realized, all kinds of important international and domestic issues, urgently need to be solved, I specially invite Mr. Ke Rihui to accompany the capital, discuss together, it is related to the national plan, fortunately do not be stingy, the power is overwhelmed and eagerly awaited.

Jiang Zhongzheng is not cold

August 14, 1945

Mao's first reply to Chiang Kai-shek

Chongqing

Chairman Chiang's Honor:

Not cold. Commander-in-Chief Zhu De sent you a telegram this afternoon stating our views, and after you express your views, I will consider the issue of meeting with you.

Wool ** not milled

August 16, 1945

Chiang Kai-shek's second telegram to Mao

Yan'an

Mr. Mao** Honors:

The call was recited, and the expectation was positive, but Xingjing was delayed, not without apology. Commander-in-Chief Zhu telegraphed a section, as if the surrender procedure was not fully understood. The procedures for the surrender were laid down by the Allied Headquarters, and all the theaters of the branch were handled in accordance with them, and the same was true for the Chinese theater, and there was no telegram from Commander-in-Chief Zhu to undermine our common faith in the Allied Forces. Commander-in-Chief Zhu often fails to carry out his orders, but the matter is still a small internal obstacle, and now the Allied forces have already stipulated that they also advocate dissent, so where will the personality of our country and its soldiers be placed? If Commander-in-Chief Zhu is a general who loves the country and the people, he can only strictly observe discipline and abide by military orders to fulfill the mission of China's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the building of the country. In the eight years of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the compatriots of the whole country are in dire straits, and once they are liberated, they must be encouraged by the peace of the country, and there can be no delay. The war is over, and there is no room for internal strife. We will deeply understand the hardships of the country, sympathize with the people's sufferings, and work together to engage in construction. How to reap the fruits of the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression with the merit of the founding of the country depends on the favor of Mr. Ran, and if you make a big plan together, you will benefit from the benefits, and it is not just an individual! Special re-Chi electric invited, sincere promise for the feeling.