China is in no hurry to reach a diplomatic deal with Russia because it has another option, which is the Speransky regime, which China does not openly acknowledge, but is actually supported by China.

Speransky had already conscripted Russian troops loyal to him from the surrendered Russian army, and the officers were mainly children of small and medium-sized landlord families, and the soldiers were undoubtedly serfs.

Such an inferior background made it easier for Speransky to recruit them, and if he was the son of a large nobleman, although Speransky identified with their culture, he was by no means willing to believe in their loyalty.

The main reason was that the small and medium-sized landlord class was more likely to be dissatisfied with the current tsarist regime, while the children of the great nobles were basically unable to support a regime that wanted to abolish serfdom.

For the children of these small and medium-sized landlords, although there are also a large number of small nobles among them, their feelings, in fact, have gradually become the same as serfs, and they all feel that the tsarist regime is oppressive to them.

It is generally believed that the formation of serfdom in Russia was influenced by Europe and had its own conditional factors. Russia's vast territory, dense forests and impassable marshes caused geographical and economic dispersion and isolation, and at the same time, Nagasaki was enslaved and threatened by foreign races, so that the Russian inhabitants had to seek self-protection, or resort to the protection of village communities and aristocratic landlords, and slowly formed the establishment of a hereditary domain system of aristocracy.

In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when the Renaissance, the Reformation, and the Great Discoveries gradually moved Western European society from a serfdom society to a capitalist society, serfdom in Russia was just beginning to take shape. Muscovy remained surrounded on three sides by alien powers. As a result, the Russian government, in formulating its policies, was based entirely on military needs. In order to strengthen its military power, Russia began to introduce and implement universal serfdom, which fixed the population in the place of residence.

In order to meet the invading enemy at any time, the government constantly dispersed the noble service personnel to the densely populated interior and sparsely populated frontiers, and whoever served owned the land; Whoever owns the land has to serve. Under this principle, land is an economic policy that guarantees adequate military service to the State. And not as particular as the Western European aristocracy, which is about students and families.

Because the aristocracy played the dual role of military service and landowner for a long time, in fact, it was also oppressed, and the heavy military service made those small aristocratic landlords who benefited less feel unbalanced and uneconomical, so in the 18th century, when economic development made some landlords no longer rely on land income, and began to turn into the industrial and commercial class, they began to retire in large numbers.

In accordance with the reform of the military system of Peter I, the principle of conditional land tenure was confirmed in the Law of One Son Succession in 1714, that is, service, which has since become a sign of professionalism among Russian soldiers. The 1722 "List of Official Ranks" made service a necessary prerequisite for obtaining the title of nobility.

Therefore, in Russia, retiring from the army meant losing the land, losing the feudal privileges, and becoming a free commoner.

Since the export of agricultural products to Western Europe in the 18th century stimulated Russian landowners, there was an opportunity for large-scale profits from increased production. However, frequent wars and heavy military service made the Russian nobles with dual identities unable to manage the territorial economy, the land was barren, the serfs fled, and the family was in the middle of the road, so that the small and medium-sized nobles were tired of war and tried every possible way to evade military service. Although the Russian government repeatedly shortened the length of service or abolished the compulsory service obligation, the shortcomings of the system could not resolve the contradictions between the government and the aristocracy, and eventually triggered a wave of retirement of the aristocracy. The wave of aristocratic retirements of 1762–1771 brought the number of retired Russian officers to 5,413, or 47.8% of the total number of officers, and greatly damaged the military power of the state.

This forced the Russian government to constantly reform and adjust. During the reign of Queen Ivanovna, nobles could use the monarch's reward to obtain official positions; The establishment and grade of court officials were greatly increased and improved. In 1762, Peter III issued the Edict of Freedom, freeing the nobility from compulsory service and gaining permanent freedom. Catherine II shortened the term of office of officers by constantly extending the term of office of civilian officials; The Codex Committee abolished the way of making officials nobles, and blood and family became the main basis for selecting officials. The Genealogy of the Nobility compiled by the Bureau of Noble Narratives divided the hereditary nobility into six categories (reward nobles, military bureaucratic nobles, administrative bureaucratic nobles, title nobles, foreign nobles, and blood nobles), and the Edict of Nobility promulgated in 1785 finally established the legal status of the nobles' property and hierarchical privileges. At this time, the aristocracy seemed to have taken on the characteristics of a privileged hierarchy, and the Russian hierarchy was established, establishing an aristocracy similar to that of Western Europe.

Although through the continuous reforms of Tsars such as Catherine the Great, the nobility could retain the title without military service, and the wave of mass retirement of the nobility was stopped. But it also had a rather serious consequence for Russia, that is, the amount of land held by the non-serving nobles began to proliferate. In the 17th century, the land holdings of the Russian nobility were 9%, and in the 18th century the land holdings of the Russian nobility were 29%, and the land of the nobility increased 5 times compared to the 17th century.

In the past, the aristocracy had to guarantee their land through service, and if they did not serve, they had no land, so that the state and the tsar always owned the vast majority of the land, and the nobility became a feudal military group dependent on the state and the tsar, which not only strengthened Russia's military power, but also ensured the loyalty of the military group. To a certain extent, this is similar to the military merit system of the Qin Dynasty in China.

However, the reforms allowed the aristocracy to acquire land by blood, not by service. A large number of lands and noble titles began to be passed on by inheritance. The enthusiasm for serving in the aristocracy declined, and a large number of civilians who aspired to advance to the army joined the army, and these people were less attached to the tsar, less loyal, and did not have a military culture passed down from family to family, which in fact weakened the level of professionalism of the Russian army.

Only 14% of Russian officers under Peter the Great came from non-aristocratic ranks, and now the lifetime nobility in Russia accounts for 40% of the total number of nobles, and half of the number of people who flow from other ranks into the nobility. The "bureaucratic aristocracy" who obtained nobility through service accounted for sixty percent of the total number of nobles.

This means that more than half of the officers in the army are not hereditary nobles, but merchants and even foreigners, and the level of professionalism and loyalty of the Russian army is greatly reduced. And the background of these people makes it easier for them to accept a bourgeois regime.

Speransky selected a large number of officers from among those who wished to change their status through service, and anyway, the purpose of these people's service was generally only to obtain status, and Speransky could give them them. Speransky's sons and daughters of the great nobles, who already had hereditary status, had nothing to give them, and could not get their allegiance.

Since more than half of the Russian army is no longer a traditional aristocracy, Speransky could theoretically recruit 1 million of the 2 million or so Russian troops captured, but in fact he only recruited 300,000. Because there is also a cultural factor involved, that is, some people are loyal to the Tsar and do not agree with Speransky's government, even Speransky has repeatedly stated that they are loyal to the Tsar and only want to reform the current regime, but most people still think that Speransky is a traitor, and that to be loyal to Speransky is to be an enemy of the Tsar.

As a result, most of them preferred to remain prisoners and wait for the Tsar to pay a ransom for them, or to release them after negotiations between the two countries, rather than immediately be freed by allegiance to Speransky.

The government of Nicholas I was reluctant to give up the North Caucasus, but the Speransky regime had already given up, and at first Speransky was reluctant because he was forced, but when he began to enter Russian territory with his army, the guilt in his heart quickly disappeared.

The winter is not over yet, and heavy troops are still stationed on the Chinese and Russian fronts, but Speransky still entered Russian territory, because now the Russian defense line is too loose, and after the surrender of the Kazakh Russian army, the Russian army in the north not only failed to attack in winter, but gradually began to flee.

The whole of Russia was in disarray, and when Speransky entered the area north of the Ural Mountains, he found that the situation here was even worse than in those areas occupied by the Chinese army. The countryside is extremely dilapidated, and there are dead people everywhere.

Everywhere I went, it was rare to see young people in the countryside, most of them were old people and children, and occasionally I saw a young man, most of whom were also unable to serve because of their disabilities, and most of their disabilities were left by the war. The wars that Russia has waged over the years have been too frequent.

In addition, because of the previous civil strife, the civil strife that spread across the country was suppressed within two months, but more people died as a result than at the front.

A large number of village communities that could not survive the winter attacked their landlords' estates, hoping to get food. As a result, the rural society destroyed a large number of landlords' estates, the great nobles did not live in the countryside, their estates were only used for vacation, the great nobles generally had the taste of the court aristocracy, they were active in the two cities of Moscow and Petersburg all the year round, forming a top-level aristocratic circle. Their land in the countryside is managed by the elders of the village community or the stewards they send, who are only responsible for pleasure.

The separation of the Russian aristocracy from the countryside prevented them from reforming their estates in a capitalist way in a capitalist way, as the British aristocracy did, and turned the aristocratic estates into capital farms or pastures, resulting in the backwardness of production technology in the Russian countryside.

The backward technology and the exploitation of the aristocracy made the serfs very weak in their ability to resist risks, which caused widespread famine in this war. Eventually, this civil strife was created. The tsarist government did not even use the army, but only a large number of police to suppress the serf rebellion, which was not strictly a rebellion, but only a spontaneous attempt to survive.

All the activities of the raid on the aristocratic manor were based on the village community, there was no interconnection with each other, there was no unified leadership of the organization, the police broke each one, quickly suppressed the serf rebellion, and the nobles finally succeeded in resisting the rabble attack by arming the bodyguards.

The serfs who failed in the rebellion were even worse, and just halfway through the winter, cannibalism began. Speransky, who saw all this in his eyes, became more and more convinced that ending the war and restoring peace was the right idea, even if the price paid for peace was too heavy.

Due to the devastation of rural society and the laxity of the remaining armies, Speransky easily took control of some areas and restored order after crossing the Ural River.

The North Caucasus was deserted by the surrender of the British troops, and Speransky soon established de facto control here. And began to move north along the Volga, Speransky hoped to keep Tsaritsyn under his control before the Chinese army launched an offensive next year, so that it would not be reduced to ruins.

But Speransky did not want to use force, he hoped that the more than 100,000 Russian troops stationed in Tsaritsyn would surrender, or at least withdraw from the place and leave it under his jurisdiction.