Gorchakov had already received the news from the Tsar, but he had not acted, because the ten-day limit had not yet expired, and the news from Moscow was closed, so that Gorchakov had not known the situation, and by the time he knew, it was too late to act.

Moreover, Gorchakov has never been able to act, because when Moscow lost contact with the outside world, Gorchakov blocked the news in the army, and the measures taken were effective and did not affect the Russian army. But other countries also found the seriousness of the problem, Moscow was not a closed backcountry, it was the capital of the Russian Empire, and the consuls of various countries were stationed. When countries find that their communications with Moscow are broken, it is easy to associate them with a political problem in Russia.

At this time, Gorchakov was worried about the safety of Moscow, and he could no longer care about the power to block the Prussian and Austrian forces.

As a result, Warsaw, which had been confronted for more than a year, was abandoned by him on his own initiative, and within ten days, the whole situation shrank to the east of the Neman River, and distanced itself from East Prussia and other places.

As a result, the news of the new Tsar's accession to the throne was awaited, and the female tsar demanded that Gorchakov and other officers pledge allegiance to her.

Compared with Gorchakov on the Polish battlefield, Yermolov on the southern front knew nothing about the situation in Moscow. But the judgment of this old guy may be more accurate than Gorchakov. The Tsar sent messengers to Poland, and an important situation was that the southern railways had been cut off by the Ural army.

It was also based on the reality that the Southern Railway was controlled by the Ural army, and Yermolov judged that the Urals had staged a coup d'état, and that Queen Olga had either been forced or had staged a coup d'état.

But Yermolov did not take any substantive action, but ordered the troops to move fully to the defensive and stop the offensive in the direction of Odessa.

Having received the Queen's order for allegiance, Yermolov did not accept it and did not refuse. Instead, he began to inquire about Alexander's situation, and when he learned that Alexander was imprisoned in the Great Palace and was not in danger of his life, Yermolov sighed.

He has been stationed on the border of the Vogar River all the year round, and he is well aware of the military potential of the Urals, even if her entire army retreats, it will not be possible to fight back to Moscow from the Black Sea, but will allow the enemy to seize the opportunity, and the affairs of Russia must be solved by the Russians themselves after all, and they must not be solved when the enemy is in Moscow.

Yermolov ordered the troops to hold on and transferred command to Prince Konstantin, Alexander's younger brother, who told him that he would return to Moscow to mediate, hoping that the prince would not act rashly until he heard from him.

He was not worried that the prince would support his own army and use the army in his hand to return to China to fight for power, but he was suspicious of the prince at this time, which would cause unnecessary trouble. Because after he left, after the news of the coup d'état spread, the prince had enough prestige to launch a mutiny in the army and take control of the army. At that time, the prince was forced into a situation where he could only go to war, but fortunately he handed over the army directly to the prince, and the prince could wait for news in a stable environment.

Yermolov is old, he is not worried about his personal safety, and he also judges that the queen wants a throne and will not be unfavorable to him. He hopes to use his influence to make some contributions to the country. What he needs to figure out right away is how deeply involved the Chinese are in this matter.

If China does not participate at all, Yermolov absolutely does not believe it, and if China forcibly supports Olga as a puppet, then even if there is a civil war, it will not hesitate. If China's involvement is not deep and Olga can still control the situation, then it is better to reconcile.

Under these circumstances, Yermolov got on the train to Moscow, and although he did not pledge allegiance to Olga, he was warmly welcomed and cordially received by Olga.

When Yermolov saw that the army around the queen was all Russians, his heart was half relieved.

Then the queen told Yermolov that she had been crowned by the Church, and that she had received allegiance from the National Assembly, and that parliaments were voting all over the country, and that now more than half of the provinces had already expressed their support for her, even in such an important province as Petersburg.

This is not surprising to Yermolov, Petersburg has always been the stronghold of the anti-tsar, where the most of the bureaucrats of the Speransky era were left, the parliament was also controlled by the bourgeois forces, the more developed the city, the weaker the power of the aristocracy, Moscow concentrated the majority of the nobility, and the support of the tsar, so that the National Assembly was barely suppressed here.

The situation is now like this, the lower the council, the more disconnected the aristocracy becomes, the councils at the county level are dominated by the kulaks, the provincial councils are dominated by more than half of the bourgeoisie, and the aristocracy is very few provinces. Therefore, since the National Assembly supports the Queen, it is not surprising that the local support for the Queen is the case.

Yermolov wanted to know what political agreement the queen had with China and to what extent it would harm Russia's interests.

Olga made it clear that she wanted to be a tsar and had nothing to do with China, and that the army in Moscow was absolutely loyal to her Ural Army. The reason why she staged the coup d'état was that she did not want to see Russia and the Russian people retreat into the abyss step by step by her brother's erroneous policies.

Yermolov did not believe these high-sounding words, he needed to see them with his own eyes, he hoped to inspect the Ural army, the unification of the Tsaress.

Yermolov saw that about one-third of the Ural army were Russian soldiers, and the proportion of middle- and lower-level officers was about the same, while the middle- and upper-level officers were mainly Chinese officers, especially at the top, only one deputy commander was a young son of the old Ural nobility, and the others were all Chinese officers.

The Ural army is very well-equipped, but the quality of the officers is average, the upper ranks are too young, and the cultural level of the middle and lower ranks is too low, which is the limitation of the township soldier system, most of the grassroots officers are just veterans who are willing to emigrate, and the upper officers are all the children of the powerful who are temporarily promoted, these people may have received a good military education, they all graduated from military schools, but they lack actual combat experience.

After seeing these troops, Yermolov already had the confidence that once a civil war broke out, he could destroy this army by uniting with Gorchakov's army. But I am afraid that large swathes of Russia's territory will be destroyed, and a large number of them will be divided between Prussia and Austria.

Yermolov then asked Alexander II, who was trapped in the Great Palace, to consult Alexander II's attitude, telling the Tsar that the Church and the National Assembly clearly supported the Tsar, that the House of Nobles was hotly discussed, and that the local councils, which were not divided into upper and lower houses, mostly supported the Tsar. He asked the Tsar if he wanted a civil war, a civil war that would cost Russia half of its territory.

The tsar said that he did not want to fight anyone, that the war was imposed on him. But if the enemy wants to fight, he will not be afraid.

Yermolov still has not decided, he is waiting for news, waiting for the attitude of the countries. Britain has made its opposition clear, and other countries have not yet taken a position, which is nothing more than a game, and perhaps private negotiations have already begun.

Whatever the purpose of the Olga Queen's newspaper, whether China manipulated her to stage a coup d'état or not, if she wants to sit comfortably in the position of Tsar, then she must make concessions abroad, and Yermolov does not want to harm Russia's interests too much.

So he continued to express his attitude to the Tsaress, saying that Russia could give up Poland, but not Ukraine, and Finland must not lose it, especially not to the great powers.

Yermolov was willing to lobby the House of Nobles to support the Tsarina if the queen could guarantee Russia's continued possession of places such as Lithuania east of the Neman River, as well as most of Ukraine.

Olga now dares to say anything, what she needs is support. Support at home, support from abroad, support from the nobility, support from the commoners, support from the army, and so on.

She had already sent someone to get in touch with Puau, and to negotiate with Britain, and it was very convenient to negotiate with Britain, the British consul was in Moscow, and Puao had severed diplomatic relations before, and she expressed her desire to negotiate with the two countries through the merchant channel.

The attitude of the British consul was strange, even changing from day to day, and the constant was that he refused to directly recognize Olga's status, but made many demands on her.

The most resolute demand was that Olga was not expected to introduce Chinese influence into Russia. Britain was also afraid of a Russian civil war, which would completely deprive Russia of its power and block China's power. So again Olga was asked not to take military action in the direction of Poland and the Black Sea.

The complex attitude of the British consul reflects the current complex attitude towards Olga in the United Kingdom.

Olga's coup d'état presented Britain with a huge problem.

On the side of the opposition, the Russian civil war will inevitably break out, and the Austro-Prussian coalition will inevitably take advantage of the situation, or unite with the Russian front-line forces to counterattack Moscow, and then Russia will need to make too many concessions to Austro. On the one hand, the power of Austria is too strong, and on the other hand, the power of Russia is too weak, which is not what Britain wants to see.

Take the side of Olga, whose coup d'état was indeed illegitimate, and had no less negative impact on the European tradition of power succession than Napoleon. And being on the side of Olga is also not a guarantee that the Russian civil war will be averted. Austria will still take advantage of the situation, and even China will take advantage of it.

In addition, Britain has never been able to trust Olga, the signs of Chinese manipulation are too obvious, and they do not believe that Olga has not made a political commitment to China. Once Russia becomes China's helper in its westward expansion, it is better to destroy them.

What is China's attitude, the British don't have to guess, they just ask China directly.