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After the 20th Congress of the CPSU, the ranking and division of labor of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the CPSU also changed a lot because of the departure of Alexei Kuznetsov and the entry of Andreyev.

Pegov, who was originally in charge of ideology, was put in charge of the International Intelligence Agency and external liaison work that Kuznetsov was in charge of, ranking fifth. Ponomarenko, who was originally in charge of supervising cadres and the state security department, was reassigned to the post of secretary of the Central Committee in charge of ideological work, ranking third. Andreyev, who is also the chairman of the State Supervision Commission, is naturally in charge of the supervision work that he is familiar with, ranking fourth.

As for the two highest-ranking - Stalin and Manturov did not make any adjustments in the ranking and division of labor, as the general secretary Stalin is of course the highest ranking in the Secretariat, and Manturov, who is also the head of the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, also continues to be in charge of the party's personnel allocation power (although many times will be subject to Stalin), is recognized as the second person in the CPSU, and is also speculated by outsiders as Stalin's successor.

Indeed, Stalin had the intention of training Manturov as his successor, after all, Manturov's ability was recognized as strong, his personal image was very good, and his ideology was quite in line with Stalin's appetite.

But with Manturov's rise in status, and the fact that the Siberians and their allies had taken control of the majority of the Secretariat and the Politburo, Stalin felt that his position was seriously threatened, because in the Soviet Union, a country of democratic centralism, as long as Manturov gained control of the Politburo and the Central Secretariat, and had the support of most of the members of the Central Committee, it was enough to oust Stalin and make Manturov the supreme leader of the Soviet party and state.

So far, though, Manturov has no plans in this regard. On the one hand, although he has gained control of the Politburo and the Secretariat, he has not yet won the support of the majority of the members of the Central Committee. Moreover, there were also a large number of Stalinists in the "Siberian faction", and it was unknown whether they would support Manturov at that time.

Moreover, Stalin, who had gone through many political struggles, was superior to Gomanturov in terms of personal political skill and authority. In previous political struggles, even if Stalin's forces were at a disadvantage in political struggles, in the end he was able to turn the situation back with his superior skill and political wisdom and become a well-deserved winner.

As a cautious man, Manturov would not rashly launch a coup d'état under such circumstances, after all, his political skills were not stronger than Stalin's, and he did not have such high authority as Stalin. All he could do now was wait patiently, and after Stalin's death, he would be able to become the supreme leader of the Soviet party and state with almost zero risk.

However, even if Manturov had no intention of overthrowing Stalin, Stalin, who had always valued his own power, would still be wary of Manturov. Fortunately, Stalin still has a lot of trust in Manturov, as the people in charge of monitoring Manturov have not found anything out of the ordinary, nor have they found any indication that Manturov intended to rebel.

Compared with Manturov, Stalin's trust in Beria seems to be really lower, and even too low to be described as low. Otherwise, he would not have removed Beria from the Ministry of Internal Affairs at all and given him a vacant position as a member of the Politburo to empty his power.

However, even after Beria left the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the important position in this powerful ministry responsible for the nation's anti-rebellion and law and order was still held by Beria's cronies, and the control of the entire department remained in Beria's hands.

As long as Beria remained in control of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, he could use it at any time to purge people he didn't like. There are even rumors that the deaths of Zhdanov and Shcherbakov were related to Beria, and that Beria instructed the doctors of the Kremlin hospital to kill the two central secretaries.

Although there is no evidence for these rumors for the time being, they aroused Stalin's jealousy of Beria. If Beria really had such an ability, I am afraid that Stalin, who was not in good health, might also become a target for being eliminated and killed by the doctors around him.

Stalin, of course, did not want such a situation to happen to him, and when he received the relevant anonymous letter, he began to plan to eliminate Beria.

Soon after, the Central Supervisory Committee of the CPSU (controlled by the Siberian faction) also received a number of anonymous letters accusing Beria, some of which accused Beria of forcing different women to have illicit relations with him, and many of accusing him of abusing his power and excluding dissidents, but these dozens of anonymous letters only revealed some of the violations he had committed.

It is not difficult to see that the people who wrote these anonymous letters must have known a lot of things, and according to the content of the letters, some people were even "persecuted for many years" by Beria, and turned over all his old accounts from many years ago. But why did they write to the Central Supervisory Commission at this critical point at this time? Needless to say, behind all this, there must be a powerful figure operating and directing, and this person is Manturov.

Originally, Manturov knew very little about Beria's disciplinary violations, only about Beria's abuse of power to arrest Spartak Moscow Football Club President Staratin and rape a Soviet actress, but after "borrowing" the personnel of the Central Supervision Commission and the Ministry of State Security to conduct an investigation, he dug up some of Beria's crimes, and also found some witnesses who had been persecuted by Beria or knew some relevant insiders.

However, because the investigation was too small and too low-key, Manturov did not get much evidence, but he now had enough to convict Beria.

However, while Beria still controlled the power of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Manturov was unable to arrest Beria through normal procedures and conduct an open investigation. The only way was to use the strength of the army and send the Red Army to arrest Beria.

However, if Manturov did this, he was afraid that Stalin would transfer the object of suspicion and jealousy to Manturov, so he had to obtain Stalin's consent to sign the army transfer order and arrest warrant himself before he could act.