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In August 1945, the results of the latest round of personnel transfers of the CPSU were finally released.

At the regular session of the Central Committee in early August, the first secretary of the Belarusian Party committee, Pantremon Ponomarenko, was elected secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee, succeeding Andreyev in the powers and positions in the Secretariat, ranking fourth, after Stalin, Zhdanov and Manturov.

In addition, Lavrenty Beria was elected as a full member of the Politburo in this election, becoming one of the members of the core of the highest power of the CPSU.

Even so, Beria's actual power has slipped a lot because of this election, and although he is able to participate in Politburo meetings and participate in decision-making at the highest level, his control over the anti-counterterrorism department and the state security department is much less than before, and he has even completely lost control of the Ministry of State Security.

However, there are still many people in the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of State Security, who provide information to Beria and do things for Beria that are not disgraceful.

Soon after, a series of transfers for the member states were also announced, the first secretary of the Ukrainian party Nikita Khrushchev was transferred to the first secretary of the party committee of the Communist Party of Moldavia, and the first secretary of the Kazakh party committee, Konstantin Chernenko, took over as the secretary of the Ukrainian party committee.

Such an arrangement, while not without controversy, at least no one has been able to raise any reason for objecting to it.

Ukraine was the most important "granary" of the Soviet Union, agriculture was much more developed than industry, and it was a very suitable arrangement for someone like Chernenko, who had made such a proud achievement in the development of Kazakh agriculture, to be the secretary of the Ukrainian party committee.

Moreover, Chernenko is an ethnic Ukrainian (although he was born and raised in Siberia) and is fluent in Ukrainian. It also has a considerable advantage in dealing with the ethnic issue of Ukraine, and the Ukrainian people are also full of expectations for such a new secretary of the Ukrainian ethnic group, and they also have a lot of cordiality.

The only point of contention is Chernenko's qualifications and origins.

His young age (34 years old) is not a problem, nor does he have a resume as diverse as Manturov's, but the main problem is his work experience in Novosibirsk.

In 1938, when Manturov became the first secretary of the Novosibirsk Party Committee, he "hand-picked" Chernenko, who was still working in the Propaganda Department of the Krasnoyarsk Territory, to become the second secretary of the regional party committee.

Without Manturov's promotion, Chernenko would not have been where he is today, which is also destined for him to mess with Manturov all his life, and he is Manturov's hardcore ally (younger brother).

This transfer of Chernenko, although on the surface it seems to be a flat tone (from the first leader of one union republic to another as a top of the republic, is not a flat tone?). But in fact, Chernenko's status in the party has been greatly improved. (The first leader of Ukraine could easily be promoted to a member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee or a member of the Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee)

The elevation of Chernenko's status enabled Manturov's "Siberian faction" to grasp the "control" of Ukraine, an important member state, and Ponomarenko, who became secretary of the Central Committee, and Nikolai Gusarov, who had just become the first secretary of the Belarusian Party Committee, also quickly moved closer to Manturov, the secretary of the Central Committee in charge of personnel.

At first, Manturov did not accept the "surrender" of Ponomarenko and Gusarov, because he did not want opportunists and bureaucrats among his political allies (junior brothers).

But after observing for a while, he found that Ponomarenko and Gusarov were relatively reliable people, and they did not have any bureaucratic tendencies, and they were both targets to be wooed.

Later, after more in-depth exchanges, Manturov found that Ponomarenko's ideas were quite close to his own, and his personality and morality were even better than the legend, so he gladly accepted his defection and added a central secretary to the "Siberian faction".

Ponomarenko's "accession" enabled the "Siberian faction" to completely control the discipline inspection organs within the party, and both the chairman of the State Supervision Committee (Andreyev), the deputy chairman (Manturov), and the secretary of the Central Committee in charge of supervision cadres (Ponomarenko) were all members of the "Siberian faction."

They had every right to take action against "discipline violators" within the party, and to have Manturov's Central Organization Department promote "more suitable people" to fill these positions.

As for Khrushchev, he was miserable this time, although nominally a flat transfer (from the first secretary of the Ukrainian party committee to the first secretary of the Moldavian party committee), his position in the party fell a lot.

Not only did he lose his position in the Politburo of the Central Committee, but he was also transferred to Moldavia, a region where industry and agriculture were not very developed, and this region had no foundation and no resources.

Without the "help" of other member states of the Soviet Union, the Moldovan economy could not develop at all.

Historically, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the former Soviet republic's economy collapsed without Soviet support, making it one of the poorest countries in Europe.

In order to make a living, a large number of Moldovan beauties have become prostitutes (some say 400,000 people, or 10% of the country's population), many have fled to other European countries to work as cheap laborers, and countless more women have been deceived into brothels in foreign countries (mainly in the Balkans).

Although Moldova's economy has also developed after the Communist Party was elected, and its living standards have improved slightly, it has not been able to shake off its poverty, and its economic level is difficult to develop by a large margin because of its foundation and conditions.

Of course, if the ruler is super-capable, there is still a chance to get Moldavia up, but Khrushchev is obviously not the kind of wizard of governance, let him go to the good conditions of the region is okay, let him go to Moldavia, I am afraid it will be difficult to do any political achievements, the promotion opportunity is lower than other republics, Russian continents (Novosibirsk, Stalingrad Oblast), the development opportunities have basically been curtailed, unless the top leadership wants to promote him.

As for Pegov, the newly appointed first secretary of the Kazakh party committee, and the person who succeeded him as secretary of the Primorsky Territory party committee, they are all figures who have been screened out by the Organization Department of the Central Committee for many times, and their ability, character, reliability, and trustworthiness can be guaranteed.

Because of this promotion, they also moved closer to Manturov, the secretary of the Central Committee in charge of personnel, and finally succeeded in "joining" the Siberian faction and became Manturov's hardcore comrades-in-arms.