In just over 10 minutes, Manturov finished reading the "Report on the Work of the National Defense Committee" in his hand, so that all members and alternate members of the Central Committee could understand the current state of defense development in the Soviet Union. Pen, fun, pavilion www. biquge。 info

The report was mediocre, summarizing the work of the National Defense Committee over the past year and publishing some data on the production of aircraft, tanks and weapons. Since these contents had little to do with party and government building, they did not arouse the interest of most of the members of the Central Committee, which was to be expected for Manturov.

Next, Voznesensky, chairman of the State Planning Commission and first vice chairman of the People's Commissariat (equivalent to executive vice premier), gave a speech on the development of the wartime national economy in the past year since the beginning of the war.

But Voznesensky's speech did not win him much applause, and the applause was much less enthusiastic than Manturov's speech, which shows that the level of recognition of Voznesensky was not as high as Manturov thought.

But why is this happening?

There is nothing to say about Voznesensky's ability to engage in economics, and he is even much stronger than Manturov, after all, he is a professor of economics, and his level of knowledge is much higher than that of Manturov.

Moreover, Voznesensky has worked in different branches of the economy, has considerable experience in economic work, and has considerable qualifications.

Now that I have experience, qualifications, and knowledge, although I am relatively young, I am still 39 years old.

It's just that on the surface of all kinds of signs, his recognition doesn't seem to be high, and he is not very popular.

In Manturov's view, the reason why Voznesensky was not popular with people was that he was arrogant and arrogant, and he was extremely angry, could not hide his emotions, easily offended others, and made many enemies in the Soviet party and government system.

Moreover, in the recent period, Voznesensky seems to have consciously or unconsciously used his power as chairman of the State Planned Economy Committee to suppress the development of Siberia and even the Urals (Siberia and the Urals are the key areas of Manturov's construction), which has caused dissatisfaction among the party and government cadres in Siberia and the Urals.

Among the members of the Central Committee present were the first secretaries of the Siberian and Ural regions, including Chernenko, first secretary of the Novosibirsk Regional Party Committee, Adrianov, secretary of the Svidlovsk Regional Party Committee, Patorichev, secretary of the Chelyabinsk Regional Party Committee, Borkov, first secretary of the Khabarovsk Territory Party Committee, and Pegov, secretary of the Primorsky Krai Party Committee.

Manturov had already heard a little from Chernenko, and knew that the cadres of Siberia and the Urals were a little resentful of Voznesensky, and everywhere it was said that the State Planning and Economic Committee led by Voznesensky deliberately suppressed the development of Siberia and the Ural region, and added many harsh conditions for the approval of local economic projects.

But it is not clear to Manturov what conditions were added and which projects were damaged. If he wanted to understand the situation, he could only take the opportunity of Chernenko's visit to Moscow to attend the plenum of the Central Committee and ask him what was going on in person, but in this case, it would be tantamount to expressing a gesture of confrontation with the Leningrad faction.

After the morning session, the members and alternates of the Central Committee were arranged to dine in the Kremlin's banquet hall.

The atmosphere in the banquet hall was unusually quiet, which was in stark contrast to the lively atmosphere in the venue just now. Why is this so?

The members of the Central Committee present were all characters who had been honed in the Soviet power arena for many years (with the exception of Timoshenko, Zhukov and other soldiers), and also experienced the terrible era of the Great Purge. They are worried that if they say the wrong thing, they will arouse the disgust of other bigwigs and have a negative impact on their careers.

In that case, don't talk at all. Anyway, more is wrong, less is wrong, and if you don't say it, it's definitely right!

Of course, there are always exceptions to everything, and among the 69 members and 68 alternate members of the Central Committee, there is not even a single person who can speak. Stalin, as the supreme leader, had no scruples about saying anything, and Beria, as the leader of the state anti-rebellion agency, also had a good chat with Malenkov, the secretary of the Central Committee next to him.

As the deputy chairman of the National Defense Committee, Manturov was also chatting and laughing with Voroshilov, Zhukov and Timoshenko, who were born in the military, but Katya, who was sitting at the same table, behaved a little abnormally, she didn't say a word in front of her husband and father, and her behavior was no different from other bureaucrats.

Katia didn't really want to do that, and she wanted to be part of the discussion, but in this quieter setting, a beautiful female voice would suddenly appear and attract attention.

When the meeting was held just now, there were already countless pairs of eyes staring at him. Some were simply attracted by her beauty, while others were surprised by the presence of such a young and beautiful woman in the Central Committee.

The members of the Central Committee present are all characters who have been mixed in the power field for many years, and it is not easy to get into their current positions, and it is natural that they will not feel good when they see Manturov and Katya, who are younger than themselves. Why did people climb to this position at such a young age, while I still rolled around at this level after so many years of fighting myself?

Of course, it is understandable that such a good person as Manturov can climb to such a high position. After all, his performance was too outstanding, and his contribution to the country was no less than that of anyone else present except Stalin, so people did not have much opinion of him, and his recognition was still relatively high.

Katia was different, she was too young, and her achievements were not as dazzling as Manturov's. Although she did a good job as the second secretary of the Moscow city party committee, at least no one was able to dig up anything wrong with her, but it was not enough to hide the impact of her youthful beauty.

It's not a big deal for a woman to become a full member of the Central Committee, but she's just too young. Moreover, her father is Politburo member Voroshilov and her husband is Manturov, which is easily reminiscent of the connections behind her, making people feel that she relied on her father and husband to ascend to power, which caused her a lot of trouble.

So until now, she has not dared to change her surname to "Manturova", and still uses the surname "Voroshilova", in order not to let others notice the relationship between her and Manturov and avoid unnecessary trouble for her husband.