On the afternoon of June 22, 1942, Manturov was finally elected secretary of the Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee with 95% of the votes and became the head of the Organization Department of the CPSU Central Committee. Pen | fun | pavilion www. ｂｉｑｕｇｅ。 ｉｎｆｏ

This result, for Manturov, was already expected. After all, this is an equal election, voting is just a formality, and most of the people present do not want to offend Manturov, or have no capital to offend him, so they can only vote for support, and election is inevitable.

After Manturov was elected secretary of the Central Committee, Stalin made some adjustments to the structure and division of labor of the entire Central Secretariat.

As head of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, Manturov was assigned to be in charge of the assessment, inspection, appointment, and training of party leading cadres, and at the same time, as vice chairman of the National Defense Committee, he was also responsible for coordinating and supervising the work of the national defense and defense industry departments, ranking fourth in the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee.

The division of labor among the other Central Committee secretaries did not change much: Zhdanov, the second secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, was still in charge of ideology and the work of the Komsomol, Andreyev, as chairman of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection), was still in charge of supervising the discipline of cadres and the work of the security and anti-anti-counter bodies, while Shcherbakov was in charge of party propaganda.

Malenkov has made some adjustments in the division of labor, and Malenkov, as the head of the Cadre Management Department, is still in charge of personnel management, but he does not have much say in the appointment and dismissal of cadres, and his actual power is similar to that of China's Minister of Human Resources and Social Security.

Such an arrangement, of course, aroused Malenkov's dissatisfaction. In the past, as director of the Central Personnel Bureau and a member of the Central Organization Bureau, he could still have a certain amount of power and voice in personnel appointments and dismissals, but now, the Central Organization Department has basically set up the Central Organization Bureau, which has a highly overlapping list of functions and powers, and has become the highest personnel department within the party.

As a result, Malenkov's power as a member of the Central Organization Bureau has basically come to naught, and all the functions of the Organization Bureau, a weak department, have been transferred to the hands of the Central Organization Department, and Malenkov, the director of the Personnel Bureau, has little power.

As a result, Malenkov's real power was greatly reduced while his position remained the same, but Manturov's power was strengthened. Such a result is obviously not acceptable to Malenkov, a bureaucrat. Even if people are promoted, they still want to deprive themselves of their power and threaten their status? What bureaucrat would want that to happen to him?

Also unaccepting this result was Voznesensky, chairman of the State Planning Commission and first deputy chairman of the Council of People's Commissars. He himself was jealous of Manturov, and he was envious of his achievements and rapid rise to prominence.

What he couldn't accept the most was that Volkov, the second secretary of the Novosibirsk Regional Party Committee, was actually elected as an alternate member of the Central Committee in a by-election, making Novosibirsk the fourth local party committee after Moscow, Leningrad and Kiev to win multiple seats in the Central Committee.

This is not a big deal for ordinary people, and ordinary people simply do not see the impact and significance of this step. But those who are at the core of the power of the CPSU know that this adjustment means that Novosibirsk has become the focus of the Party Central Committee and has become one of the four most important states of the Soviet Union.

In the Central Committee, four seats are held by the cadres of the Moscow city/region, including the first secretary of the Moscow city party committee and the regional party committee, Serbakov, the second secretary of the Moscow municipal party committee, Katya Voroshilova, the chairman of the administrative committee (mayor) Georgy Popov, and the second secretary of the Moscow regional party committee, Chernosov, who is an alternate member of the Central Committee.

Leningrad was not inferior, with 3 cadres of the Leningrad City Committee/Oblast Party Committee as full members of the Central Committee and 1 alternate member.

The situation is similar in the Kyiv and Novosibirsk regions, both are one full commissioner, one alternate. This meant that the status of the Novosibirsk region in the whole of the Soviet Union had risen to the point where it could be on an equal footing with Kiev.

If this is the case, it means that the cadres of Novosibirsk will get more opportunities for promotion, and both Chernenko, the first secretary of the Novosibirsk regional party committee, and Volkov, the second secretary, will have an excellent political future, and these two people are still very young and have great development potential, and sooner or later they will have to enter the central committee to take up more important posts.

More importantly, both Volkov and Chernenko were promoted cadres during the Manturov era, and their relationship with Manturov was still relatively close, and they were not inferior in terms of work ability. If these two men had entered the Central Committee, they would most likely have taken refuge in their "benefactor" - Manturov.

At that time, Manturov will be able to create a clique that can compete with the Leningrad faction -- the "Siberian faction" -- and fight against the "Leningrad faction" and the "Georgian gangsters" in the Central Committee of the CPSU, while the "Old Guard" will be the backing and ally of the Siberian faction, and another power war will break out in the Moscow power arena!

Of course, it is still unknown whether things will develop to this point, and with the current "full" membership of the Party Central Committee, Chernenko and Volkov may not be able to enter any important positions in the Party Central Committee, and the threat to the Leningrad faction is not great, and it is not enough to trigger a power war.

But Voznesensky knows very well in his heart that the current Manturov is no longer the Manturov of the past, and it seems that it is really not a good choice to resist him, and perhaps cooperating with him is the best choice.

At the same time, Manturov, who became secretary of the Central Committee, was not much happy. He has been promoted, and his power is indeed a lot greater, but he also has a lot more responsibilities and a lot more pressure.

In his opinion, power and pressure are directly proportional, which is normal, but the pressure he is facing now seems to be even greater than he imagined.

Before the crossing, he still thought that the pressure came from himself, and as long as he ignored the pressure, he would be able to completely eliminate all the pressure. But now, in a high position, he realizes that this is impossible, and when the people around him are eyeing him and envy and jealous of him, he has realized that he has to face these pressures.

It can be said that there are countless people who want to challenge his status, and the strength of those who want to get rid of him is not weak. Faced with such an environment, Manturov needs to know how to use his wrists in addition to doing a good job in politics. If there were only political achievements and no skills, the result would be the same as that of Voznesensky in history - to be rectified!