The comprehensive conscription of the four base provinces is a real big deal. In addition to land reform, it may be the first work that can be called a game of chess. One of the main points of compulsory military service is to join the army in other places. For example, soldiers of Anhui nationality will serve in three provinces outside of Anhui. Then it's not just about having someone to serve, forming a new army. More importantly, each province should have its own arrangements for the stationing and use of troops.

There is no shortage of things to do in the base areas, and from the perspective of step-by-step, everything is a first-class and one-class major event. But in China, 1911 was a big deal. The first full-fledged National Assembly is to be convened. Constitution or anything else, but this parliament will decide the life and death of the Manchu regime. The People's Party has already stated that as long as the Manchus remain, the People's Party will never stop any military operations.

Therefore, when the party Central Committee's telegram was sent to the other three provinces in the base areas, the provincial party committees of the three provinces realized a key point of this large-scale conscription campaign and "did not need to hide it."

"If this parliament decides that the Manchus will fall, that's good. If any of the surrounding provinces dared to vote for the continued existence of the Manchus, we would immediately launch a military attack on them. Chen Ke wrote clearly in the "2011 Conscription Work Opinions".

Since the central authorities have decided to do so, the provincial party committees will naturally have no opinions. It is a time to raise troops for a thousand days, and the duty of the army is war. Although the important purpose of this conscription exercise is to establish an important military service system in the modern state system, the main purpose of the use of troops is to "engineer troops." However, the army needs military training first, so a war is not a bad thing.

Ordinary military service is characterized by comprehensive conscription, and if it is necessary to gather enough numbers, the BJP is not out of the question. Just like Anhui Provincial Governor Qi Hui asked Chen Ke deeply, "Do you want to recruit more troops in the Dabie Mountains?" ”

Among the people's party's major soldiers, Dabie Mountain bore the brunt. The people in the mountainous areas live in hardship, and even under the new system, it is unrealistic to completely change the situation in the Dabie Mountains for a while. The People's Party now has nearly 200,000 troops, and it is not too difficult to recruit another 100,000 people in the Dabie Mountains.

Chen Ke vetoed it at the time, "Defending the country is not the privilege of the Dabie Mountains. Every region has this obligation. ”

The People's Party's comprehensive census has laid a good foundation for this conscription work, and according to the ratio of 1 in 100 people, 610,000 troops will be recruited from the 61 million population in the base areas. This was a terrible number in China in 1911.

According to the calculation of 50 catties of grain per soldier per month, 610,000 troops are 30.5 million catties of grain a month and 366 million catties of grain a year. Calculated based on the grain price of the base area, that is, 91.5 million yuan. In recent years, the price of grain has fluctuated, but one tael of silver can buy about 50 catties of rice. At this price, it is 7.32 million taels of silver. The conversion of silver to silver dollars is about the ratio of one tael of silver to 2.5 silver dollars. That's 18.3 million silver dollars.

In the armies of other provinces, each soldier is paid five oceans per month, and the Beiyang Army is even higher. The People's Party's troops are subsidized by eight yuan a month. 610,000 soldiers still need 5,856 yuan a year.

Excluding the armament of the army, the subsidy of the 610,000 troops of the People's Party alone plus food would require 30 million silver dollars per year for military expenses. This military expenditure is terrible, not to mention a province, even the entire Beiyang will never be able to come up with so much money. Each province has its own statistical department, and if you calculate one at random, the cadres of each provincial party committee will turn pale.

Counting clothing, weapons and ammunition, equipment of various military departments, and daily expenses, there is no 60 million oceans that cannot support an army of this size. Treating the military as a mere unit of consumption, reckless use of military force means a lot of expenditure.

However, the BJP's calculations never do this, and what the BJP sees is 610,000 people gathered together and able to receive a good education. These 610,000 troops, during the three-year service period, will be educated to become good citizens, and even if they retire, this is an extremely considerable human wealth.

How many cadres and workers will there be, and how many backbones of various industries will appear. When this huge contingent is trained and tempered, the lack of manpower in the entire system led by the BJP will be greatly improved. Moreover, before this comrade retires, they will also build some extremely important infrastructure, and in terms of construction, the army is much stronger than those labor teams organized by the local government. So no one questioned it. However, the provincial ministries of construction enthusiastically began to plan a list of infrastructure to be built in various places.

However, at this stage, the BJP is still paying less attention to external changes, and the BJ's internal affairs have prevailed over the external affairs, which is only a matter for the BJP. The other forces are keeping a close eye on the upcoming first Congress. On the stage it was better, and the situation was actually decided.

After Yuan Shikai announced that the last interim member of the National Assembly would automatically obtain the status of a member of the first National Assembly, stability became the overriding effort of the various forces already in power.

However, the opposition political forces do not see it that way. For example, Chen Ke, who was busy with his busy schedule, got the news that Sun Yat-sen sent his own envoy to visit him again. The last time Sun Yat-sen sent Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren to visit, the result was that after leaving the base area, the two chose to withdraw from the League and returned to Hunan with the Huaxing Society to continue the actual revolutionary struggle. Chen Ke thought with a little interest, who will Sun Yat-sen send this time?

When the words "Bei Yihui" jumped into Chen Ke's eyes, he blinked, making sure that he was not mistaken.

Kita Ikki is not particularly famous in history, although some believe that Kita Ikki was the ideological leader of Japan's fascism. But Chen Ke does not support this.

Kita Ichiki (April 3, 1883 - August 19, 1937), formerly known as Kitaki Jiro, was born in Sado County, Niigata Prefecture, Japan in 1883 (the ninth year of Guangxu of the Qing Dynasty and the sixteenth year of the Meiji era...... In 1906 (the 32nd year of Guangxu of the Qing Dynasty and the 39th year of the Meiji era), at the age of 23, he published "The Theory of the State System and Pure Socialism" at his own expense, criticizing the "Theory of the State System" centered on the theory of the emperor's sovereignty from a socialist standpoint, and thus emerged in the camp of the anti-Zhengfu socialist movement. In the same year, he joined the Revolutionary Review Society and the League, and began his 13-year career in the Chinese revolution. During this time, in 1911 (the third year of Xuantong of the Qing Dynasty and the forty-fourth year of the Meiji era), he was invited by Song Jiaoren to participate in the Xinhai Revolution and was active in Shanghai, Wuchang and Nanjing. In 1913 (the second year of the Republic of China, the second year of Taisho), due to the assassination of Song Jiaoren, Kita Yihui organized an investigation team to investigate the truth of Song Jiaoren's assassination, and was ordered by the Japanese consul in Shanghai to return to China for three years. In 1916 (the 8th year of the Republic of China, the 8th year of Taisho), due to the rising anti-Japanese sentiment of the Chinese people, they thought that there was no longer any place to contribute to the Chinese revolution. To this end, Kita Kazuki began to turn his attention back to Japan. In order for China and Japan to live in peace, he advocated overthrowing the existing Japanese political system and completely abandoning the traditional China policy of taking aggression against China as the national rule.

In the same year, he wrote the "Outline of the Japanese Reform Act" in Shanghai, advocating the rebuilding of Japan by means of armed revolution. At the end of the same year, he returned to China to join the right-wing socialist movement. In 1921 (the tenth year of Taisho), he published "The Foreign History of the Chinese Revolution", which introduced the Chinese revolution and advocated a Sino-Japanese military alliance. In 1927 (Showa 2), Kita Kazuki's disciple Nishida founded the Heavenly Sword Party in Tokyo, using Kita Kazuki's doctrine as a blueprint for construction, recruiting middle and lower-ranking officers from all over the country in an attempt to revolutionize. In 1936 (Showa 11), due to the "II. 26 "coup d'état and arrest by the government. In 1937 (the 26th year of the Republic of China and the 12th year of Showa), it was instigated by the Japanese government to "II. 26 "The ideological leaders of the coup d'état were formally prosecuted and executed. His theories later became the theoretical basis for the ideas of Japanese fascism.

Japan's system has a tradition of emphasizing exploitation and oppression, and the country has such an island mentality. If Japan has made any progress, it is also the result of the forcible transformation and support of Japan after the occupation of Japan by the American father. As for the view that Japan has been emasculated by the United States, Chen Ke holds a completely ideological view.

Bloodiness is a characteristic of human beings, just like in the Korean War, the volunteers were able to fight in Changjin Lake in the low temperature of dozens of degrees below zero. Able to withstand such a brutal battle in Shangganling. Because every Chinese soldier is not moving forward for the sake of death, the backbone of the republic, the reason why these loveliest people of the republic sacrifice their lives and forget their deaths is because they are for victory, because they regard themselves as a part of this great army, and do their best to complete their tasks.

In contrast, the "onboard" that Japan engaged in at the end of World War II was sufficient, and they had a nervous breakdown under the pressure of death, and in order to seek a quick death, they rushed to the front of the fire of the Americans. This is no longer a common thing for humans, it is the behavior of a group of beasts that have lost their minds.

American Dad was genuinely against fascism, and he cut off the Japanese bestiality with a scalpel. All the bestiality is gone, and what is revealed is the normal humanity of the Japanese nation. The stubbornness and short-sightedness of the strategy of this kind of island country, the gambler's mentality, the internal chaos, the forgetting of one's life when seeing small profits, and the various characteristics of sacrificing one's life in the face of major events have been fully revealed.

In Chen's view, Japan has never made any progress in these areas for hundreds of years. It would be a great distortion to regard Kita Kazuki as the founder of Japanese fascist thought. Because Japan is a country that does not even have real fascist ideas. It's just that they have to put on the name of fascism for their bestiality.

However, Chen Ke is a little interested in the person of Bei Yihui, who was originally a party with lu. I hope to join the Chinese revolution in person, and after the complete victory of the Chinese revolution, I will use this revolutionary force to change the fate of Japan. In a sense, Kita Kazuki bears a lot of resemblance to the Japanese comrades in the People's Party. Kita's departure from China came after the May Fourth Movement, when anti-Japanese sentiment had become a nationwide trend in China, and he believed that the Chinese revolution had turned into a nationalist action and had completely abandoned the idea of relying on the Chinese revolution. From this point of view, this person is quite interesting.

So Chen Ke finally decided to meet with Bei Yihui. By the way, find out what the hell is the revolutionary forerunner Sun Yat-sen doing. Sun Yat-sen showed a strong style of "villain's revenge from morning to night" in history, assassinated Tao Chengzhang, and Sun Yat-sen covered for Jiang Guangtou and Chen Qimei. Assassinated Song Jiaoren, Sun Yat-sen has many traces on his body that cannot be washed away. As for the Killing Restoration Society, Sun Yat-sen gave Chen Qimei full authority to do it, and he did not interfere. This shows that he absolutely supports this matter.

As for the Qing Party, although the executor was Jiang Guangtou, Sun Yat-sen's documents had already had this plan, but he died early and did not have time to implement it. In this regard, Jiang Guangtou is really the heir of Sun Yat-sen.

With Sun Yat-sen's temperament in history, the People's Party can really make Sun Yat-sen remember a lot of hatred, and Chen Ke does not dare to take Sun Yat-sen completely lightly.

Bei Yihui did not expect that it would be so easy to meet the largest anti-Zheng government in China today, and the leader of the self-proclaimed largest revolutionary party. Although he had heard of Chen Ke's "youth" many times, Bei Yihui was still shocked by Chen Ke's youth.

In fact, Chen Ke was 31 years old in 1911, and he was a real adult in this era, but one of the characteristics of modern people is that his face is tender. Good nutrition since childhood, even after arriving at the base area, Chen Ke inherited the spirit of Chinese foodies so that he spent a lot of effort to improve the food of the masses, and followed everyone, Chen Ke never went hungry. Because it's a little thin, it looks more youthful and slender. Compared with 31-year-old adults who have already experienced ups and downs in this era, Chen Ke's appearance only looks like he is 23 or 4 years old.

Really seeing this 31-year-old revolutionary who created such a feat by himself, Kita Yihui felt a slight jealousy in his heart. Bei Yihui is three years younger than Chen Ke's "age". But the gap in strength between the two people has reached the point where Kita Yihui is afraid that he will not be able to catch up in his life. Holding back this mood, Bei Yihui stepped forward and said, "Hello, Mr. Chen! ”

In Chen's view, Japan has never made any progress in these areas for hundreds of years. Lu Guo's regard of Kita Kazuki as the founder of Japanese fascist ideology is a great distortion. Because Japan is a country that does not even have real fascist ideas. It's just that they have to put on the name of fascism for their bestiality.

However, Chen Ke is a little interested in the person of Bei Yihui, who was originally a party with lu. I hope to join the Chinese revolution in person, and after the complete victory of the Chinese revolution, I will use this revolutionary force to change the fate of Japan. In a sense, Kita Kazuki bears a lot of resemblance to the Japanese comrades in the People's Party. Kita's departure from China came after the May Fourth Movement, when anti-Japanese sentiment had become a nationwide trend in China, and he believed that the Chinese revolution had turned into a nationalist action and had completely abandoned the idea of relying on the Chinese revolution. From this point of view, this person is quite interesting.

So Chen Ke finally decided to meet with Bei Yihui. By the way, find out what the hell is the revolutionary forerunner Sun Yat-sen doing. Sun Yat-sen showed a strong style of "villain's revenge from morning to night" in history, assassinated Tao Chengzhang, and Sun Yat-sen covered for Jiang Guangtou and Chen Qimei. Assassinated Song Jiaoren, Sun Yat-sen has many traces on his body that cannot be washed away. As for the Killing Restoration Society, Sun Yat-sen gave Chen Qimei full authority to do it, and he did not interfere. This shows that he absolutely supports this matter.

As for the Qing Party, although the executor was Jiang Guangtou, Sun Yat-sen's documents had already had this plan, but he died early and did not have time to implement it. In this regard, Jiang Guangtou is really the heir of Sun Yat-sen.

With Sun Yat-sen's temperament in history, the People's Party can really make Sun Yat-sen remember a lot of hatred, and Chen Ke does not dare to take Sun Yat-sen completely lightly.

Bei Yihui did not expect that it would be so easy to meet the largest anti-Zheng government in China today, and the leader of the self-proclaimed largest revolutionary party. Although he had heard of Chen Ke's "youth" many times, Bei Yihui was still shocked by Chen Ke's youth.

In fact, Chen Ke was 31 years old in 1911, and he was a real adult in this era, but one of the characteristics of modern people is that his face is tender. Good nutrition since childhood, even after arriving at the base area, Chen Ke inherited the spirit of Chinese foodies so that he spent a lot of effort to improve the food of the masses, and followed everyone, Chen Ke never went hungry. Because it's a little thin, it looks more youthful and slender. Compared with 31-year-old adults who have already experienced ups and downs in this era, Chen Ke's appearance only looks like he is 23 or 4 years old.

Really seeing this 31-year-old revolutionary who created such a feat by himself, Kita Yihui felt a slight jealousy in his heart. Bei Yihui is three years younger than Chen Ke's "age". But the gap in strength between the two people has reached the point where Kita Yihui is afraid that he will not be able to catch up in his life. Holding back this mood, Bei Yihui stepped forward and said, "Hello, Mr. Chen! ”

Bei Yihui did not expect that it would be so easy to meet the largest anti-Zheng government in China today, and the leader of the self-proclaimed largest revolutionary party. Although he had heard of Chen Ke's "youth" many times, Bei Yihui was still shocked by Chen Ke's youth.

In fact, Chen Ke was 31 years old in 1911, and he was a real adult in this era, but one of the characteristics of modern people is that his face is tender. Good nutrition since childhood, even after arriving at the base area, Chen Ke inherited the spirit of Chinese foodies so that he spent a lot of effort to improve the food of the masses, and followed everyone, Chen Ke never went hungry. Because it's a little thin, it looks more youthful and slender. Compared with 31-year-old adults who have already experienced ups and downs in this era, Chen Ke's appearance only looks like he is 23 or 4 years old.

Really seeing this 31-year-old revolutionary who created such a feat by himself, Kita Yihui felt a slight jealousy in his heart. Bei Yihui is three years younger than Chen Ke's "age". But the gap in strength between the two people has reached the point where Kita Yihui is afraid that he will not be able to catch up in his life. Holding back this mood, Bei Yihui stepped forward and said, "Hello, Mr. Chen! ”