"I don't know if Mr. Chen has read Mr. Sun Wen's manuscript of the three-minism doctrine?" Kita Yihui asked. This was the meeting gift he brought this time, and Sun Yat-sen repeatedly told Bei Yihui to let Chen Ke carefully read this political program.

"Not yet." Chen Ke said with a smile. As a believer in Marx and Grandpa Mao, since the three-minism does not talk about the development of the productive forces in reality and the problems of human society in the philosophical sense, Chen Ke is not interested at all.

"Then how about Chairman Chen?" Kita Kazuki pulled out a booklet.

Chen Ke can see things very quickly now, and Chen Ke has also read Sun Yat-sen's political ideas, so it can be said that the research summary of later generations is only clearer than Sun Yat-sen's own thinking, so it only takes more than ten minutes to read it all.

"Is that all there is to it?" Kita was surprised.

Chen Ke briefly retold the basic points of the three-minism doctrine, the basic political concept of nationality, civil rights, people's livelihood, and the separation of powers. Kita Yihui is also proficient in Chinese, and he has never seen anyone who can explain the problem so simply but completely and clearly. The respect for Chen Ke in his heart immediately deepened.

There were as many people in the League who thought Chen Ke was "lucky", and even Sun Yat-sen sighed, "It would be nice if I could go all out to make a revolution in Anhui at that time." However, a person who relies on luck will never be able to expound the revolutionary truth in such a profound and simple way. Even when Sun Yat-sen talked about the Three Min Doctrine, he mostly expounded on its application, but did not go deep enough into the basic concept.

"Mr. Chen, what do you think of the three-minism doctrine?" Kita Ikki asked.

"We, the People's Party, talk about contradictions and struggles. We believe that some of the things in the world exist on the basis of contradictions and struggles, and all the appearances we see are the result of contradictions and struggles. Cooperation is also a manifestation of the struggle against contradictions. Mr. Sun wanted to cooperate with us, and this cooperation was based on the fact that we both had the Manchu as a common enemy. But in this three-min doctrine, Mr. Sun inevitably has some consequences. This is a set of theories that have been accumulated to explain the contradictions at hand. Anti-imperialist and anti-feudal is the biggest problem of the current Chinese revolution, but how did the European and American powers come into being? Why is this happening? How exactly is China going to oppose the oppression of these countries? Mr. Sun has not touched on these issues at all in terms of the law of development of the whole human society, so I am personally not interested in his theory. ”

This was a rather blunt objection, and Kita Ichki already understood Chen's firm refusal. However, this did not surprise Kita in the slightest. The contradictions between the People's Party and the League have been going on for a long time, and even though Chen Ke made great contributions to promoting the revolution, there were not only one or two people in the League who shouted for "getting rid of the revolutionary traitor Chen Ke". For example, Chen Qimei, a loyal follower of Sun Yat-sen, often stirred up anti-People's Party sentiment in the League.

"Then what does Mr. Chen think is the law of social development?" Hu Hanmin, who came with Bei Yihui, asked loudly. From the very beginning, Hu Hanmin felt that Chen Ke ignored his answer. However, there is nothing strange about Chen Ke's identity, which can only show that Chen Ke's character is problematic. However, listening to Chen Ke's harsh criticism of the three-minism, Hu Hanmin could no longer remain calm.

Chen Ke did deliberately hang Hu Hanmin, and in the 412 counter-revolutionary coup, Jiang Guangtou, Hu Hanmin, and Cai Yuanpei were the main messengers and planners. Chen Ke also made a lot of effort to keep himself from using "weapon criticism" to deal with Hu Hanmin. History has proved that this kind of person is a stone in a pit, basically hopeless.

Hu Hanmin expressed his attitude so resolutely, Chen Ke replied coldly: "Minshengism emphasizes equal land rights. The land rights are still in the hands of the landlord, what do you average for? ”

The agrarian revolution has always been the biggest point of disagreement between the League, and the party and the Kuomintang are also mortal enemies on the land question. Chen Ke's remarks directly hit a major weakness of the three-min doctrine, that is, it has not changed the structure of land ownership at all. No matter how Sun Yat-sen adjusted, he could not really pursue the nationalization of land. The agrarian revolution is one of the most basic programs and economic lines of the People's Party, and it is also a fundamentally irreconcilable contradiction with other political forces.

The fact that the People's Party killed the landlords spread widely in various places. The reason why no one dared to jump out and point fingers at the BJP was because they were afraid of the BJP's military might. Even Jiangxi, which was not a hardcore Qingqing at all, said that "the governor of Jiangxi is a hardcore lackey of the Manchu Qing Dynasty", and then indiscriminately entered Jiangxi. Other provinces really "dare to be angry and dare not speak". Moreover, Beiyang, which can be hostile to the People's Party, is silent, and where do other provinces dare to speak out.

However, Hu Hanmin was not afraid, he said with a straight face: "The landlord's land was originally earned by hard work, and the People's Party will take all the land from the state as soon as it says, which is unfair." ”

"Justice or injustice, that's your opinion. We, the People's Party, only care about whether the goal of having land for the masses to grow and eat has been achieved after the land reform, and whether the living standards of the masses have improved. Since we think these goals have been achieved, it doesn't matter what others say about us. Chen Ke replied coldly.

In the face of such an arrogant attitude, Hu Hanmin's eyes lit up, but his tone became calm, "The average land right is because the land price has risen due to economic development, and the excess part is taxed by the state, and this money is used to develop the economy......"

Chen Ke interrupted Hu Hanmin's words, "There is no such thing as land buying and selling in our base areas. Those who are willing to farm can apply for land, and those who are not willing to farm will have no land to cultivate. So no matter how good the average land tenure is, we don't need it. ”

Hearing this, Hu Hanmin and Bei Yihui were shocked. They had heard that the People's Party had given land to the people, but they never expected that the People's Party would completely cancel the land sale.

"Who owns the land?" Hu Hanmin asked.

"The land is state-owned. People can apply for usufruct at no cost other than paying taxes. Chen Ke replied very simply.

"Doesn't that mean that the BJP is the owner of these lands? You are the biggest landlords! Hu Hanmin's voice became excited, such a brutal land reform policy was something Hu Hanmin did not expect.

"We in the People's Party don't have an inch of land, the land is state-owned, and anyone who wants to use the land has to apply." Chen Ke replied, but he was already frowning slightly.

Hu Hanmin was even more excited, "Isn't the current government in Anhui the People's Party government?" ”

Chen Ke didn't answer this question, he had already regained his composure, "Mr. Hu Hanmin, is the purpose of Sun Wen sending you here to argue with me about this?" I'm too busy to hear you say that, but we have reception staff, and you can ask them questions, and they will tell you the truth. ”

Bei Yihui also felt that Hu Hanmin was a little out of shape, and he hurriedly took out a letter, "Mr. Chen, this is Mr. Sun Wen's handwritten letter to you." ”

Chen Ke no longer paid attention to the emotional Hu Hanmin, he took it and looked at it, Sun Yat-sen's letter was very mildly worded, and he hoped that the People's Party and the League would join hands in the anti-Qing campaign and jointly publicize this work in the form of a joint telegram. Chen Keneng could think of the key to this, Sun Yat-sen still hoped to unite with the People's Party, which would be beneficial to the reputation of Sun Yat-sen and the League.

"Please tell Mr. Sun Wen that our People's Party naturally has our own propaganda methods, and now the two sides need to make too many adjustments to further cooperate. I appreciate his kindness, but the matter of cooperation seems to be hopeless this time. Chen Ke said to Bei Yihui.

Bei Yihui looked at Hu Hanmin, who was puffing up, and then at Chen Ke, who was calm, he already understood that the two sides would definitely not be able to talk this time. The People's Party never cooperated with other revolutionary parties, and the only time they cooperated was in the attack on Anqing. As a result, the People's Party acted completely low-key, and it turned out to be as if Yue Wanghui had become the main force. Not only the League, but even the Liberation Association, which has a good relationship with the People's Party, has never tried to steal the name of the Liberation Association. This seemingly mild measure has effectively severed the relationship between the BJP and other political parties, but it has ensured the BJP's complete independence and self-determination.

"Mr. Chen, you might as well think about it again." Kita Yihui persuaded.

"We, the People's Party, have long said that anyone who supports the Manchus is our enemy. We are never polite to the enemy. And we are going to have a big conscription in the near future, and we will recruit 600,000 of our troops. In this parliamentary election, we will eliminate whoever supports the Manchus in the surrounding provinces. You're welcome, you're never soft. Chen Ke replied neatly.

Bei Yihui and Hu Hanmin were not overjoyed by Chen Ke's firm attitude, after all, the People's Party could indeed sweep the entire Jiangnan if it was able to collect 600,000 troops. The end of the Manchu Qing can only be described as "just around the corner". This news, which could have been described as "great news", Bei Yihui and Hu Hanmin were not happy at all.

The attitude of the People's Party towards other parties has been so clear that the Manchu lackeys are bound to be destroyed. However, when the People's Party takes power in China, other parties that do not cooperate with the People's Party in the slightest are afraid that they will not be much stronger than the Manchus. Although Chen Ke did not say it so bluntly, Bei Yihui and Hu Hanmin both have this strong belief.

There was no silence in the conference room for long, and Chen Ke then asked, "Do you two have any official duties?" If not, let me leave, I still have a lot to do here. ”

Bei Yihui hurriedly said, "Mr. Chen, can we visit the base area?" Along the way, what we saw and heard was an eye-opener for us, and we were very interested in the base. ”

"Yes, you can consult with a member of the reception department." Chen Ke replied.

But at this moment, the guard ran in and whispered a few words to Chen Ke. Chen Ke smiled after hearing this, "Mr. Song Jiaoren also arrived." I didn't expect him to come in such a hurry. ”

Hu Hanmin was taken aback, after Song Jiaoren left the League with Huaxinghui, he had not contacted the Alliance for a long time. I didn't expect it to appear so coincidentally. Bei Yihui also had surprise on his face, and he wrote to Song Jiaoren in advance to inform him of his itinerary. However, Kita Yihui didn't expect the two sides to meet so coincidentally.

"Mr. Dunchu is not an outsider, so you might as well invite him to meet with us." Hu Hanmin said first.

Chen Ke really had something, he asked Song Jiaoren to come in first, and then said: "You are all acquaintances, so I don't have to entertain them separately." But I do have something to do today, and I'll talk to you in the afternoon. I hope there are many more inclusiveness. ”

Naturally, it was impossible for these people to force the master Chen Ke, but they were polite. "Whatever Mr. Chen says, the guest is as he pleases, Mr. Chen doesn't need to worry."

The comrades at the reception sent them to their lodgings, and the three of them had indeed not seen each other for a long time, and arranged for the affairs of the people who were with them, and they got together to talk about the current situation.

"Escape the beginning, I haven't seen you for a long time, but you've lost weight." Hu Hanmin said to Song Jiaoren. The League split greatly, and although the Restoration Society and the Huaxing Society did not possess a single province, they both had a certain territory of their own. On the contrary, the League, which was once full of talents, is still in a situation where there is no real political force in the country. Hu Hanmin's heart was inevitably a little sour.

"Brother Hermes-Epitek also looked quite hard." Song Jiaoren also sighed.

The representatives of the two revolutionary parties are now gathered on the territory of the largest revolutionary party, but the three parties have different positions, which cannot but make Hu Hanmin feel emotional, and he sighed: "Brother Dunchu, I used to hear that Qin lost his deer, and the whole world chased him together. I also feel a sense of generosity and heroism, but there are foreign powers outside and Manchus inside. Isn't it a bit funny that the revolutionaries themselves can't be united? ”

Song Jiaoren smiled, "Brother Hanmin, I don't know what Mr. Sun thinks about the autonomy of the United Provinces?" ”

Mr. Sun believes that inter-provincial autonomy is the autonomy of warlords, and it is completely a matter of inviting trouble and humiliation. If China fails to unite against imperialism and the Qing Dynasty, it will surely end up in the fate of being partitioned. Hu Hanmin said angrily.

After hearing this, Song Jiaoren nodded again and again. However, Bei Yihui had no expression on his face, but he was very disapprehensive in his heart. It is true that Sun Yat-sen was opposed to the autonomy of the United Provinces, but Kita knew that Sun Yat-sen had tried his best to contact Japan, Britain, the United States, and other countries in the hope of gaining their support. In return for the support of various countries, Sun Yat-sen promised concessions and promises to allow foreign privileges to exist. Japan promised to jointly develop Northeast China with Japan, and discussed with Britain that Britain could enjoy rights and interests in the Yangtze River and Pearl River basins. For France, it is to pay for the interests of Yunnan and Guangxi.

In short, in Bei Yihui's view, Sun Yat-sen is a completely Westernized Chinese, and no matter how he acts and thinks, it is a Western model. Sun Yat-sen did not carry out the revolutionary cause from the standpoint of the Chinese, but wanted to implement Western democratic ideas in China through revolutionary means. Therefore, in order to achieve their goals, they often seek support from foreign countries by any means.

Although Hu Hanmin's words are strict, once the autonomy of the provinces is implemented, the provinces will certainly put their own interests first. Since Fang Cai Chen Ke said that he would recruit 600,000 soldiers, Bei Yihui thought it was a big joke. If the People's Party can really recruit 600,000 troops in the four provinces, then why not directly unify China.

But given Chen's statement, and the actions of the BJP, if the parliament decides to retain the manchu regime, the BJP will take at least a few provinces. The provinces were already concerned about their own interests, and under such coercion, they would certainly not let the Manchus continue.

Now Sun Yat-sen is really in power in the League, but this is based on the departure of all the other powerful factions in the Alliance. Sun Yat-sen is now wearing only a hat from the glory days of the League. With his current strength, he is simply powerless to meddle in the internal affairs of the provinces. Even if he seized power in a certain province or several provinces, he would only be a local power, and he would no longer be able to dominate the situation in the whole of China. If this is the case, where will the countries be willing to invest in an alliance that is at most a local power?

However, Hu Hanmin's words really moved Song Jiaoren, and he nodded again and again, "Revolutionary matters should indeed be worked together." This is what I have come to Anhui this time for. ”

"Oh? What do you think? Hu Hanmin also became interested.

Song Jiaoren said loudly: "This new parliament only has the power to elect the president, and in addition, it can only discuss finance, taxation, and laws for state affairs. The President appoints the Prime Minister, who forms the Cabinet, and the Government is entirely accountable to the President. Where is there democracy in this? Yuan Shikai in the north occupies the largest territory, and Beiyang has the most among the provinces in the world. If it is so elected, it will definitely be the president of Beiyang, and the president of Beiyang is destined to appoint the prime minister of Beiyang. This is absolutely not a no-go! ”

Hu Hanmin nodded again and again, and another problem with the autonomy of the provinces was that the League did not have the support of the real powerful landlords and gentry in the local area. This means that it is absolutely impossible for the League to have an electoral advantage at the local level. Sun Yat-sen strongly opposed this "undemocratic" behavior.

However, hearing Song Jiaoren say this, Hu Hanmin suddenly remembered one thing. The People's Party killed the landlords, but instead of dividing the land, it nationalized the land. This means that on the territory of the BJP, everyone is a tenant farmer of the BJP. Therefore, in these four provinces, the BJP can definitely get 100 percent support. Moreover, the provinces are self-governmental, and each province can have its own constitution, and the central government must not interfere. Then the BJP could even establish its own policies in the form of law.

Thinking of this, Hu Hanmin's face had changed.

Song Jiaoren is talking about Xingtou, "The members of the parliament are originally elected by the people, and the people are elected by the people. Where there is public opinion attributed to one person only said. If you do this, then you don't call it the election of the president, but the election of the emperor. Let's just say that the emperor will take turns to do it, and he will come to my house tomorrow. What else is democracy? ”

Bei Yihui nodded slightly, "Then what are your plans at the beginning?" ”

Song Jiaoren said categorically, "I came this time to discuss with the People's Party on behalf of the Huaxing Association, and our revolutionary parties will unite to seize the southern provinces first, and then ask Yuan Shikai for a de facto parliamentary system." The Congress is in power. If the People's Party is willing, we Huaxing will be willing to work with the Hunan elders to elect Chen Wenqing as the president. It would be great that you are here. Let's convince the People's Party to join in this move. ”

"Humph!" Hu Hanmin sneered, "Do you think Chen Wenqing will really agree to this?" I think he is only afraid that he will support Yuan Shikai. ”