Northeast China is one of the biggest "peaches" of the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, which not only attracted the two major political forces in the country, but also made the United States and the Soviet Union want to get into the wrong.

The United States has always hoped that the Japanese Kwantung Army will replace Japan in complete control of Northeast China after its surrender, but in order to force the surrender of more than 700,000 Kwantung Army and even defeat Japan on the entire continent, the United States will have to pay the price of 1 million casualties among its officers and soldiers.

The United States could not afford such a heavy sacrifice, so President Roosevelt hoped that the Soviet Union would send troops to the Northeast to alleviate the losses of the United States.

The request of the United States gave Stalin an excellent opportunity, and the Soviet Union, of course, would not let it go easily.

The Soviet Union has always been very concerned about the Northeast, and as the final victory in the World Anti-Fascist War approached, Stalin began to carefully consider the Northeast issue. In response to Roosevelt's request, Stalin, on the one hand, made it clear that he was willing to enter the war and agreed to send troops to the Northeast, and on the other hand, he unceremoniously put forward his post-war rights and interests.

In order to finalize the issue of the ownership and division of bilateral interests between the United States and the Soviet Union, a summit meeting of the Soviet Union, the United States, and Britain was held in Yalta, a small city on the Crimean peninsula at the southernmost tip of the former Soviet Union Ukrainian republic.

In February 1945, US President Franklin D. Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Stalin arrived here almost simultaneously, and the "Big Three" meeting began.

On February 8, the "Big Three" formally discussed the political conditions for the Soviet Union to join the war against Japan. In the first discussion, Roosevelt, without waiting for Stalin's offer, decided that there was no problem in transferring the southern part of Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands from the Japanese to Russia. Roosevelt knew very well that Stalin needed Dalian as an ice-free port in the Pacific Ocean for the sake of maritime "hegemony," and he also expressed his "approval of the Soviet Union's lease of Dalian or the use of Dalian as an internationally managed free port," but he preferred the latter.

In fact, Roosevelt had already written to Stalin before this meeting to express his views. For Roosevelt's "generosity", Stalin was still not satisfied. He told Roosevelt that in addition to the above conditions, the Soviet Union demanded the use of the Manchurian Railway. A few days later, Stalin handed over the draft agreement drawn up by Molotov to Roosevelt. This draft contained all the conditions for the Soviet Union's participation in the war against Japan. The main points are as follows: (1) Maintain the status quo in Outer Mongolia (Mongolian People's Republic).

(2) To restore the rights and interests of Russia that had been destroyed by the perfidious Japanese attack of 1904, namely: (a) to return the southern part of Sakhalin and all its contiguous islands to the Soviet Union: (b) to internationalize the commercial port of Dalian and to guarantee the Soviet Union's preferential rights and interests in this port, and to restore the lease of Arthur as a Soviet naval base; (c) to establish a Soviet joint venture company to jointly administer the East Railway and the South Manchurian Railway to Dalian, and to guarantee the Soviet Union's preferential rights and interests, while the state retains all its rights and interests in Manchuria.

(c) The dry islands were handed over to the Soviet Union.

Stalin's price was simply too high. Roosevelt and US Ambassador to the Soviet Union Harriman, together with Stalin and Molotov, exchanged views on many occasions and hoped that the Soviet side would appropriately lower the price, but Stalin had no room for negotiation at all.

In exchange for the Soviet Union sending troops to reduce the casualties of the American army, Roosevelt did not hesitate to sacrifice the rights and interests of the country to achieve his goal, so he agreed to Stalin's conditions.

Since Roosevelt promised Stalin the territory and rights of the state, this involved the question of the need to obtain the consent of the national government. However, the draft agreement is very vague on this issue, stating only that "the heads of government of the three major powers agree that these demands of the Soviet Union should be met unconditionally after the defeat of Japan." The Soviet side expressed its readiness to sign a Soviet Friendship and Alliance Agreement with the Nationalist Government with a view to helping the country achieve its goal of liberation from the Japanese yoke by force. Although Roosevelt later added to the agreement the modifier that "it is understood that the agreement on Outer Mongolia and the above-mentioned ports and railways is subject to the consent of Chairman Chiang, and according to Marshal Stalin's proposal, the President will take steps to obtain this consent," Roosevelt's ultimate intention of sacrificing the national rights and interests of the country for the sake of the interests of the United States could not be concealed.

The Yalta Agreement was a product of the political trade of the great powers, and it was profitable for both the United States and the Soviet Union. Through this pact, Stalin got the rights he needed, and Roosevelt received assurances that the Soviet Union would participate in and support his China policy.

Under the agreement, the United States did not relinquish its rights in the northeast of the country, and at the same time did not allow the Soviet Union to monopolize the northeast. The White House's policy is to insist that the Kremlin implement an "open door" in the Northeast to ensure that American capital can enter the Northeast unimpeded after the war, and to actively support the Kuomintang to take control of the Northeast as soon as possible. This agreement also delineated the spheres of influence of the United States and the Soviet Union in the Far East, which was beneficial to both sides and constrained by both sides, so neither of the United States nor the Soviet Union suffered any loss, and neither of them was willing to accept it.

And the real loss is the country and the people who are used as bargaining chips.

States were not represented at the Yalta Conference. The Yalta Secret Treaty is kept strictly secret from the outside world. Even Chiang Kai-shek did not see the whole.

On March 15, 1945, Chiang Kai-shek learned about the contents of the secret treaty after receiving a telegram from Wei Daoming, the ambassador to the United States.

For this reason, he wrote in his diary: "Reading this, but there is only anger and introspection. Yalta has been sold Huahu? Only knowing this, it can be concluded that at the Black Sea Conference, Russia had already agreed on a war against Japan. Goer, the ideal of this anti-Japanese war may become a dream! ”

Chiang Kai-shek knew best that if the Soviet Union did not send troops, it would be difficult to defeat Japan by his strength. Go? This agreement can only be recognized. It was not until late June of the same year that the United States officially informed Chiang Kai-shek of the entire content of the Yalta Agreement and urged Chiang Kai-shek to send people to Moscow as soon as possible to negotiate and implement the specific contents of the Yalta Agreement. This led to the Soviet negotiations, which began in earnest in July 1945. The main participants in the negotiations on the Soviet side were Stalin and Molotov. Stalin's decision to appear in person was to show the importance he attached to the negotiations, and he tried to show up in front of the representatives of the country in a tough manner, and to put strong pressure on the country, so that the government could be forced to accept the terms of the Yalta agreement. Molotov is a world-class veteran negotiator, and Western diplomats call him a "hard stone" and some call him an "iron mouth", which proves his power at the negotiating table.

On the Chinese side, the delegation headed by Song Zi participated in the negotiations. Song Tzu was Chiang Kai-shek's brother-in-law, the premier and foreign minister of the country at that time, and a powerful figure in the Nationalist government. And holds the financial and financial power, and its members mainly include Jiang Jingguo, Hu Shize, and Fu Bingchang. Chiang Ching-kuo had lived in the Soviet Union for a long time and understood the social harmony of the Soviet Union, and as the eldest son of Chiang Kai-shek, his special status was commensurate with the mission of the delegation. As for Hu Shize and Fu Bingchang, the former is vice minister of foreign affairs, and the latter is ambassador to the Soviet Union, and their responsibilities should be to join the negotiations.

However, the negotiations were unusually difficult. As soon as the substantive talks began, Stalin proposed that the state must recognize foreign independence. The Kuomintang was unprepared for this demand, believing that the "maintenance of the status quo in Outer Mongolia" as stated in the Yalta Agreement meant maintaining the status quo, so they did not prepare for it as a matter of this negotiation.

During the negotiations, Stalin stressed the importance of the geographical location of Outer Mongolia to the Soviet Union, and he told Song Tzu and Chiang Ching-kuo: If we have no legal right to defend ourselves in Outer Mongolia, the Soviet Union will lose the entire Far East. Stalin also found a reason that if there was another war and the enemy attacked the Soviet Union from Outer Mongolia, Siberia would be cut off, "if this is the case, all Siberia will be lost." ”

Song Tzu did not agree to Stalin's request, but believed that the state could ignore the current situation in Outer Mongolia, and if it legally recognized foreign independence, the national government would be shaken. In this regard, Stalin did not budge at all, and he exerted strong pressure on Song Zi, saying that if he did not agree to the foreign ** standing, "Outer Mongolia will unify all the Mongolian people from Inner Mongolia to Northern Mongolia."

The Soviet negotiations were thus at an impasse.

In order to break the deadlock, Chiang Ching-kuo went to Stalin in his special capacity and asked Stalin to forgive the government's distress. Chiang Ching-kuo said to Stalin: You should understand that our country's seven-year War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression was just to get back the lost one, and today Japan has not driven it out, Northeast China and Taiwan have not been recovered, and all the land is in the hands of the enemy. Our people will not forgive us, and will say that we have "sold our land"; In such a situation, the people would have risen up against the government, and we would not be able to support the war of resistance, so we did not surprise Mongolia with the Soviet Union.

Stalin was very indifferent to this, and replied:

"You have a lot of truth in that, it's not that I don't know. But you must know that today it is not me asking you for help, but you are asking me to help; If you have the strength in your own country and can fight Japan yourself, I will naturally not ask for it. Today, you don't have the power to say these things, it's tantamount to nonsense! ”

After Chiang Ching-kuo ran into a wall, Song Zi had no choice but to send a telegram to Chiang Kai-shek and suggest that the negotiations should be terminated as a last resort.

The second round of negotiations began on August 7 and ended on August 14, when Chiang Kai-shek added Wang Shijie to the negotiating delegation. It is said that when Song Zi returned to China after the first round of negotiations, he felt that the government agreed to establish a foreign country, and he would become a sinner in history and be reviled by future generations, so he did not want to sign the Soviet treaty as foreign minister. Therefore, Chiang Kai-shek asked to resign from the post of foreign minister, and Chiang Kai-shek had to arrange for Wang Shijie to be the new foreign minister, and to participate in the second round of negotiations between the two sides and to sign the agreement on behalf of the national government.

In the second round of negotiations, since the Soviet army had already sent troops to the northeast, if the negotiations could not be reached again, the Kuomintang was afraid that without treaty constraints, the Soviet army might act arbitrarily in the northeast, which would have a greater impact on the "reception" of the Chiang regime, and finally had to accommodate the Soviet Dawei agreement. After more than a month of negotiations between the Soviet Union, the two countries finally reached a final understanding and signed the "Treaty of Friendship and Alliance between the Soviet Union" and its annexes on 14 August.

After the treaty was signed, it is not known whether Chiang Kai-shek was happy or sad. But he wrote in his diary on September 2 that "although the shame is snowing on the 1st, the new shame is heavy", which can somewhat represent his state of mind at this time.

Because of this, once the War of Resistance was won, the Northeast region immediately became the Soviet Union. The United States, ** and the Kuomintang "Three Kingdoms and Four Directions"

In this contest of strength between the "three countries and the four parties", whoever has the strength will be able to gain benefits in the northeast, and this is not something that can be accommodated by a paper treaty.

The country has experienced the hardships of the eight-year War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, whether it is the occupied area or the rear of the country, there is a desolate and dilapidated scene everywhere, and the degree of damage to the social productive forces of this war is the most serious in the modern history of the country. The reports of U.S. intelligence officers in Chongqing to their government described the situation in the country as bad in every way. Trade with the outside world came to a standstill. Inflation has inflated dramatically; Students, staff and soldiers feel that their livelihoods are unsustainable. The country's railways are paralyzed. All vehicles have been smashed and burned, tunnels and bridges have been destroyed, the inland waterway vessels on which the country once relied so much have been destroyed or rendered inoperable, and in most areas the roads are dilapidated and freight vehicles of all kinds are scarce.

The above is an account of a foreigner, which reflects the actual situation of the paralysis of the country's transportation industry after the Anti-Japanese War. It is difficult to go to Shu and it is difficult to go to the sky. The Japanese can't get in Chongqing, but the Chinese can't get out. Japan's surrender coincided with August, and the continuous heavy rains caused the river to swell sharply, and the few one-day steamers in the rear at that time wanted to transport thousands of passengers, which was like a drop in the bucket.

Many people had to take a car along the arduous winding mountain Shu Road, to Guizhou, Guangxi, and finally from Vietnam to Guangzhou and Shanghai by sea.

After the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, the whole country was like a big tree full of fresh peaches, enough for Chiang Kai-shek to eat for a while. Its Nanjing, Shanghai, Beiping, Guangzhou, Qingdao and other big cities are big peaches on this big tree. In order to snatch the fruits of victory, Chiang Kai-shek mainly relied on the US Air Force, in addition to mobilizing all the means of transport in the rear. However, the limited means of transportation not only have to transport soldiers and civilians, but also need to repatriate more than 1 million Japanese troops invading China and millions of Japanese nationals.

Because Chiang Kai-shek had the support of the U.S. government, when he took over the ports of the big cities in China and East China, it was relatively smooth, and the Beijing-Shanghai area and most areas south of the Yangtze River picked "peaches" with little effort. ”

But it is not so easy to pick "peaches" in Shandong and North China. At that time, the roads leading to the north, whether railways or roads, were ragged by the people and their armed forces. Since the end of October, more than 10 major railway lines of Tianjinpu and Longhai have been unable to open to traffic. Chiang Kai-shek was as anxious as an ant on a hot pot, and urgently ordered Ling Hongxun, vice minister of the Ministry of Communications of the Nationalist Government, to inspect Jinpu Road, only to see that "most of the rail sleepers have been removed." There are also those who have been cut off from the roadbed. The damage to the bridge was particularly huge. The sturdy piers of the reinforced concrete bridge were blown up, and the telephone poles were sawn off on the ground. According to the various signs shown in the photo, it can be proved that it is a planned sabotage with new sabotage tools. ”

On October 18, Du Yuming, who was appointed by Chiang Kai-shek as the commander of the Northeast Security Command, was a relatively capable officer in the Kuomintang, and he was also one of the most appreciated by Chiang Kai-shek.

This Kuomintang general who was born in Mizhi County, Shaanxi, joined the pen from Rong in June 1924 and was admitted to the first phase of the Whampoa Military Academy, which began his career as a horseman. He had just turned 20 at the time. Because he was intelligent, studious, willing to work, able to endure hardships, and was particularly loyal to Chiang Kai-shek, Chiang Kai-shek trusted him more and more, and his official fortune was naturally very prosperous, and before the age of 40, he became the commander-in-chief of the group army.

In the arduous decisive battle of the Great Wall, in the victory of Kunlun Pass in the counterattack against the Japanese army, and in the lofty mountains and mountains of the expedition to Burma, Du Yuming left his footprints.

This time, Chiang Kai-shek entrusted him with the arduous task of opening the gate to the northeast. He is also very confident and determined to "make meritorious contributions" in the Northeast and repay the kindness of the "leader".

On October 22, Chiang Kai-shek instructed Du Yuming: You go to Changchun to contact the Soviet army, and ask them to cover our army's landing in the northeast Beigang (referring to Luda, Yingkou, Huludao and other ports) in accordance with the Soviet treaty and take over territorial sovereignty. You can first go to Changchun to meet Marshal Malinowski. According to the provisions of the treaty, they must be responsible for the cover reception of the state. In addition, we can ask Commander-in-Chief He in Nanjing for his opinion, and then go to Shanghai to meet with Kim Kaide, commander of the US Seventh Fleet, to see how many troops he can transport at one time and whether he can cover the landing of our troops, and then go to Changchun to meet Xiong Shihui and Chiang Ching-kuo to negotiate with the Soviet army on the matter of covering the landing of our troops.

In accordance with Chiang Kai-shek's instructions, on November 24, Du Yuming received instructions from He Yingqin, commander-in-chief of the Kuomintang Army, in Nanjing, and met with Kim Kai-de, commander of the US Seventh Fleet, in Shanghai, to request US ship support on behalf of Chiang Kai-shek to transport the Kuomintang troops to land in the northeast.

On the 28th, Du Yuming flew to Changchun, where he met with Marshal Malinowski at the General Headquarters of the Soviet Army (the former headquarters of the Japanese Kwantung Army) that night, accompanied by Zhao Jiamaung, chief of staff of the Northeast Security Command, and Chiang Ching-kuo, the special commissioner for Northeast Foreign Affairs. Marshal Malinowski, who was very experienced in diplomacy, adopted the strategy of satisfying Du Yuming's demands in diplomatic rhetoric and not cooperating at all in actual action.

When Marshal Ma saw Du Yuming, a famous Kuomintang general who had made an expedition to Burma, he said to him like an old friend: "We, the Soviet Union, have always wanted to be friendly with the people of our country, and the friendly relations between the Soviet Union and the Soviet Union are firmly believed to be permanent, because we have long had the outstanding friendship ...... between Sun Shan and Lenin. He also cleverly prevaricated that the Lushun and Dalian areas were under the command of another marshal of the Soviet army, and that the north of Andong and Yingkou and the west of Shanhaiguan belonged to his command area; In addition, he also informed the Soviet army that it was ready to retreat after disarming the Japanese army, and now there are no Soviet troops in Shanhaiguan and Huludao, only the ** anti-Japanese army. There are still a small number of Soviet troops in Yingkou....... Marshal Malinowski also agreed to the landing of the Kuomintang army at Yingkou, and drew a map of the location of the Soviet army to Du Yuming, and also wrote down the headquarters of the Soviet army at Yingkou and the main purpose of covering the landing of the Kuomintang army.

Du Yuming was moved: as long as the Soviet army allowed to land in the northeast, it would be a big victory. Immediately, he also humbly said that we do not necessarily have to land from Dalian, and it is okay to ask the Soviet troops to cover the landing at Yingkou. Malinowski played a big trick with great skill, and his clever language successfully confused Du Yuming and others, and at the same time covered the Eighth Route Army that had entered the northeast. New Fourth Army troops. The Soviet ambassador also solemnly conveyed to the Kuomintang government that he agreed to the landing of Kuomintang troops at Yingkou and Huludao.

On October 30, Du Yuming went to Chongqing to report to Chiang Kai-shek, who was overjoyed and continued to dream of sitting back and enjoying his prestige.

Chiang Kai-shek told Du Xiaoming that he had discussed with the US side that the 13th Army and the 52nd Army would be transported by sea to Yingkou and landed at Yingkou by warship.

At present, the 13th Army has arrived at Qinhuangdao one after another, and the 52nd Army is heading north from Haiphong City, Vietnam. He asked Du to quickly go to Qinhuangdao and take a US ship to Yingkou to direct the landing.

Du Yuming, a general with a strong sense of responsibility, flew to Tianjin in a hurry after receiving orders, and met with General Locke, commander of the 3rd Marine Corps of the US Army, and asked him to help maintain the safety of the railway from Tianjin to Qinhuangdao.

On 3 November, when Du Yuming led his liaison staff and the acting commander of the US Seventh Fleet, Babe, to Yingkou on the US ship "Thorol" to contact the Soviet troops, they found that at this time, the Soviet troops had announced their retreat from the northeast, the Soviet Marshal Malinovsky had left, and the ** army had taken over Yingkou. Taking over Yingkou was Wu Kehua's department of the Jiaodong Military Region of the Eighth Route Army. Only more than 6,000 people arrived here on October 24. Not ready for battle, and the weapons are extremely rudimentary. However, Du Yuming did not dare to rush ashore, so he had to retreat to Qinhuangdao with the US ship. This time, the Eighth Route Army was allowed to take the lead, and the plan of the Kuomintang army to land in the northeast was completely shattered.

It was only at this time that Du Yuming, who had always been shrewd, suddenly realized that he had completely fallen into the position of commander-in-chief of the Soviet Army.

At this point, the Kuomintang army's plan to take over the Northeast from the Soviet Army had come to naught. Its only hope was to rely on the strength of the US Navy's 7th Fleet to transport the 13th and 52nd armies and other Kuomintang forces to the northeast from the sea.

In addition, Xiong Shihui, the chief governor of Northeast China, could only settle in Beiping and prepare to airlift the first part of the 94th Army in the Beiping area and the incorporated puppet Manchu army to Changchun. During this period, Du Yuming, the No. 2 governor of Northeast China, could only draw up a letter of opinion in Chongqing to accept the Northeast by force.

The main contents of the plan were: First, he asked Chiang Kai-shek to quickly dispatch 10 armies, under the cover of the US fleet, to forcibly land from Yingkou or Huludao, first wipe out the communist forces in the northeast, and then return to the division to fight; Second, please establish a local armed force in the northeast, integrate 11 security detachments of the puppet army according to 9 provinces and 2 cities, and prepare to take over the defense of the Kuomintang army after training; Third, please appoint 11 military commissioners from 9 provinces and 2 cities to go deep into the provinces and cities to mobilize the remnants of the enemy and puppets to cause trouble in the rear of the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army.

On November 6, Du Yuming flew to Chongqing to report to Chiang Kai-shek what he had seen and heard during his trip to Yingkou. As a result, Chiang Kai-shek was so angry that he shouted: We must fight the Kwantung region. Du Yuming immediately submitted a prepared letter of opinion to Chiang, asking Chiang to transfer the strength of 10 armies and land at Yingkou or Huludao under the cover of US warships, so as to wipe out the Northeast Eighth Route Army.

Chiang Kai-shek's statement was that the 10 armies could not be transferred, so they could only use the 13th and 52nd armies to fight out by land at Shanhaiguan.

After that, Chiang instructed He Yingqin to issue an order to put the two armies under the command of Du Xingming. The flames of the Northeast War were first ignited at Shanhaiguan.

In the same battle for the Kwantung region, Chongqing lost the battle with Yan'an because of the illusion of relying on a paper agreement to reap the fruits of the War of Resistance.

In the name of surrender, it was Chiang Kai-shek's established policy to take the Northeast as his own in one fell swoop. For this reason, he had always fantasized about realizing this policy before the withdrawal of Soviet troops. However, because Fu Zuoyi, Sun Lianzhong, Li Yannian, Chen Daqing, and other units of the Kuomintang army attacking along the Pingsui Road, Pinghan Road, and Jinpu Road were resolutely resisted by the troops of the Jinsui, Jinchaji, Shanxi, Hebei, Luyu, and the New Fourth Army along the way, the road was long and the railroad was destroyed, so the action was slow. Chiang Kai-shek, in order to quickly seize the northeast after the withdrawal of Soviet troops in November 1945, had to turn to the United States for help, using American planes and warships, and stepping up troop transportation.

At the request of Chiang Kai-shek, as early as August 15, 1945, the US government ordered the 14th and 10th air fleets to begin all-out airlift of Kuomintang troops to seize Nanjing, Shanghai, and Beiping. On 30 September, more than 118,000 U.S. Marines from Okinawa began to land in Tanggu.

On October 2, 1,400 U.S. Marines landed at Qinhuangdao. On 15 September, US planes airlifted more than 1,000 people from the 92nd Army of the Kuomintang Army to Beiping. On the 16th, US planes airlifted the 94th Army of the Kuomintang Army into Tianjin. After that, Chiang Kai-shek could not wait to land at Qinhuangdao from the 13th Army of Longhai and, with the cooperation of the US Marines, invaded and occupied Qinhuangdao, Beidaihe, and the left-behind camp in the liberated area of eastern Hebei.

How did the Kuomintang army easily take Qinhuangdao? The main thing is the "credit" of the US Navy. Also in early October, the ships of the U.S. Seventh Fleet, laden with marines, traveled back and forth in the Bohai Bay in search of a landing port. At that time, the Soviet army reached a tacit understanding with the ** side and refused to allow the US troops to land in the name that Yingkou had been occupied by the ** army. The U.S. ships had no choice but to come to Qinhuangdao, where 500 Japanese troops and some puppet troops defended it. In order to seize this outlet to the sea, the Eighth Route Army of eastern Hebei Province had carried out a recovery operation against Qinhuangdao, but failed to win due to lack of strength and failed to control the outlet in their own hands. The arrival of the US troops was helped by the Japanese puppet army, so they successfully landed on the shore. The landing of the US troops established an advance base for the Kuomintang army to seize the northeast.

Without the US Navy, Qinhuangdao could not be obtained. After the US troops landed, they actively rushed to repair roads to collect intelligence on the Eighth Route Army, and because it involved international disputes, it was inconvenient for the Eighth Route Army to intervene rashly. In this way, the conditions were prepared for the landing of the Kuomintang troops. From late October, a huge U.S. fleet landed at Qinhuangdao carrying the Kuomintang Army. The first to land was more than 20,000 people of the Kuomintang 13th Army. The army is a descendant of Chiang Kai-shek, did not fight many hard battles in the Anti-Japanese War, and its strength is well preserved. In early November, more than 20,000 people of the 52nd Army of the Dian Army also arrived in Qinhuangdao. Although it was a semi-American ordnance army, there were many veterans of Yunnan nationality and had a certain combat effectiveness, so its combat effectiveness was not weaker than that of Chiang's 13th Army.

With the support of the United States, the Kuomintang army also occupied Tianjin, Beiping, Tangshan and other strategic places, especially the landing on Qinhuangdao, which shortened the time for Chiang Kai-shek's troops to be transported from the interior to the northeast. As the Kuomintang army had gained a firm foothold in Qinhuangdao, it attempted to continue northward along the Beining Road.

In order to block the landing force of the Kuomintang army moving north along the Beining line, on October 19, the ** Central Committee instructed the Northeast Bureau, "Our party's policy is to concentrate the main force on the line of Jinzhou, Yingkou and Shenyang, and the secondary force to place the line of Zhuanghe and Andong, resolutely prevent the landing of Chiang's army and annihilate all possible attacks, first defend Liaoning and Andong, and then master the whole northeast, and abandon the policy of dispersion in the past." Accordingly, the Northeast Bureau adjusted its military deployment, and quickly concentrated the main forces on the front line of Jinzhou and Shenyang.

By the end of October, the troops and cadres who were transferred from the Bei Strategic Region to the Northeast according to the instructions of the Central Committee, except for a small number in the North Manchuria and East Manchurian areas to cooperate with the Northeast Anti-Japanese Allied Army to carry out the work of opening up new areas, were mainly distributed in Shenyang, Andong, and Jinzhou in the center of South Manchuria and West Manchuria, and with the Ji Reliao troops and the 31st Hebei Regiment located near Jinzhou, they met the attack of the Kuomintang army from Shanhaiguan or Huludao along the Beining Road; The two regiments of the 6th Division and the 5th Division, which came from the Shandong Military Region across the sea, and some local armed forces were responsible for the defense of Yingkou and Andong.

The Kuomintang 13th Army, which was successively assembled in Qinhuangdao, under the cover of the US Marine Corps and its air force, rushed to repair the railway to Shanhaiguan and gradually approached Shanhaiguan!

As of November 4, the Kuomintang had 18,000 troops from the 3rd Marine Division of the US Marine Corps and more than 50,000 troops from the 13th Army and the 53rd and 121st Divisions of the 94th Army of the Kuomintang from Tanggu to Qinhuangdao. In addition, there are 9,500 Japanese troops and 17,000 puppet soldiers, with a total strength of more than 80,000 people. Dominance.

Chiang Kai-shek's 13th and 52nd armies were really powerful. It was the first "good move" he took after his march along the four railway lines of Pingsui, Tongpu, Pinghan, Jinpu, and was blocked, and after the "administrative takeover" of the northeast plan was frustrated.

The intention is to attack the Shanhaiguan Pass in the northeast, and then march into the northeast in a big way after breaking the pass, so as to fully realize its new plan to take over the northeast by force!