In front of the terminal building of Moscow's Sheremetyevo No. 2 International Airport, Mao Anying, deputy head of the Chinese delegation to the Sino-Soviet border talks, made an impromptu speech to the more than 2,000 people who came to welcome the Chinese delegation. The peoples of China and the Soviet Union should not be enemies of each other, and there is no reason for them to be enemies of each other. We, the Chinese and Soviet parties and the political axes of the two countries, should proceed from the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people of the two countries and the overall situation of the international movement, put aside those narrow nationalist ideas, and truly resolve the practical problems that have been transformed into historical problems between the two countries.

Before the departure of our delegation, Comrade MZD repeatedly instructed our comrades of the delegation that you should have a good talk with the Soviet comrades, because even if this little unpleasantness has occurred between China and the Soviet Union now, it will be temporary. Problems always have to be solved. The comprehensive development of friendly relations between the Chinese and Soviet peoples is still the mainstream and the overall situation, and I believe that the Soviet comrades will also have this view of the overall situation. Dear Soviet comrades, today our Chinese delegation has come to your great Soviet Union to jointly create a society full of peace, fraternity, prosperity and progress and the common peace of mankind, for the long-term peace and stability of our Chinese and Soviet peoples, and for the vigorous development of the international cause. ”

Mao Anying's speech aroused warm applause from the people present for a long time, and people saw new hopes for China and the Soviet Union

Accompanied by Mikoyan, vice chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union and minister of foreign affairs of the Soviet Union, Andropov of the International Liaison Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Kuznetsov, first deputy foreign minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Kosygin, first deputy chairman of the State Planning Commission of the Soviet Union, Li Dawei and other members of the Chinese delegation to the negotiations on the border issue went to the Kremlin where they were staying.

The entire convoy drove along the eight-lane Leninsky Avenue towards the city center, with the front guard cars driving the way, and the police along the way conducting traffic diversion. The long motorcade passed through the Inner Ring Road, drove up Dimitrov Street, crossed the Moskva River, passed through the Kremlin Blovetsky Gate and entered the Kremlin.

The Sino-Soviet war had the characteristics of a modernized large-scale local war after World War II. It is a kind of high-intensity, high-cost, and short-lasting local war, that is, no one can afford to fight it for ten or eight years, and it cannot be fought. The next step is for the two sides to mediate between the two warring parties in accordance with the pattern of the battlefield and the impact of the war on the international environment, as well as the international community's own interests, so that their own interests in the war will not be harmed, and seek to resolve the existing problems through political channels.

Regardless of whether the two sides win or lose, both sides of a military conflict will consume a lot of resources and pay huge economic and social costs. Therefore, the two sides can only adopt the method of fighting and pulling, fighting and talking, and alternating the use of big sticks and carrots to seek a new balance.

The Sino-Soviet War also brought about major changes in the strategic triangle pattern of China, the United States, and the Soviet Union. The weakening of the Soviet Union's power made it impossible to form a situation like the later period when Breonev was in power in the 70s and 80s, when the Soviet Union's military strength was greatly enhanced, the number of nuclear weapons surpassed that of the United States, and it became a military superpower. This is China's stated strategic goal. However, it is not possible to completely collapse the Soviet Union, and it is not in China's strategic interests to completely collapse the Soviet Union, because it will liberate the United States from the defense of Europe, and it will lack the containment force of the Soviet Union as an enemy, and free up its hands to confront China.

How to grasp this scale is indeed an extremely difficult task, after all, in the process of history, every person, even a country, is an involuntary object in the big history. None of them can control the overall situation and design the course of history completely according to their own wishes.

Deng Feng and Li Dawei, who came from later generations, knew that the conflict between China and the Soviet Union in later generations was essentially different from the struggle for the leadership of the international communist movement, and the current struggle for territorial resources. They knew that most of the Soviet leaders in this period hoped that Sino-Soviet relations should be friendly and comradely, but China could not be the boss, otherwise they would really be sorry for the most orthodox "prestige" of the first socialist country founded by Lenin.

Deng Feng and Li Dawei thought more about whether socialism was orthodox or not, and it didn't matter if the eldest or second child didn't matter, and they never took these "isms" disputes seriously. As for the later results of the international movement, as well as the positive and negative lessons and lessons, Deng Feng made it clear to the supreme leader as soon as he came to this era, and the supreme leader could not but learn from these experiences and lessons.

Therefore, for Deng Feng, some of their practices are still strongly supported. Deng Feng and his nationalists took advantage of the short period of more than 20 years, when the supreme leader was in power, which is extremely rare in the history of the Chinese nation, to maximize China's interests, open up more space for China's future development, and occupy more resources needed for future development. The weakening and disintegration of the Soviet Union is also for the sake of Russia, a strong nation, not causing greater harm to the weak Chinese nation in the foreseeable future.

Therefore, the means they used were exhaustive, and they really said that they would "say all the good things, do the bad things, and carry out the shamelessness to the end." In order to achieve the best degree of maintaining the triangular relationship between China, the United States, and the Soviet Union.

For the most part, Khrushchev seldom stayed in his office, or sat quietly, thinking carefully about the problems he was facing, and making a plan for everything. Instead, he preferred to visit farmsteads or sanatoriums near Moscow, spending his time constantly meeting with junior Soviet officials, foreign leaders, or guests. During this period, however, he did concentrate on his work, devoting himself to the telegrams sent by the ambassadors and intelligence services of various countries, reading a large number of materials on various aspects of China, and actively preparing for the upcoming Sino-Soviet negotiations.

The Chinese delegation, led by Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Li Dawei, was already present on the long roadway leading to the conference hall of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet in the old Tsarist Legislative Yuan building. At the reminder of the staff, Khrushchev slowly stood up, changed into a suit, tied a dark blue tie with white dots, walked out of the office, and came to the door of the conference hall of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet on the second floor of the Tsarist Legislative Yuan Building, which was only two doors away from his office, and waited to meet with the Chinese negotiating delegation.

In front of the conference hall, Li Dawei stretched out his hands from afar and said very enthusiastically: "Comrade Khrushchev, I am very happy to see you again, you still look so young and full of vitality. ”

"Thank you, Comrade Dawei. I'm glad to see you again. Khrushchev hugged Li Dawei and said enthusiastically.

Both sides were like trained professional actors, as if nothing had happened between China and the Soviet Union, but two close friends who had not seen each other for many years. Then Li Dawei stood on Khrushchev's right and introduced the members of the Chinese delegation to Khrushchev one by one:

"Mao Anying, special assistant to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, deputy head of the Chinese delegation, studied at the Frunze Military Academy of the USSR and participated in the Great Patriotic War of the USSR."

"Hello, Comrade Mao Anying, is your father okay?" Khrushchev took Mao Anying's hand and asked.

"It's okay, it's okay, he asked me to relay his greetings to you." Mao Anying replied directly in Russian.

Khrushchev repeatedly: "Thank you! Thank you, Comrade MZD. ”

Li Dawei then pointed to Chiang Ching-kuo, who was following Mao Anying, and introduced to Khrushchev: "Chiang Ching-kuo, special assistant to the Chinese Foreign Minister and deputy head of the Chinese delegation, studied at Sun Yat-sen University in Moscow and the Red Army Military Academy in Tomaka, Leningrad. ”

Khrushchev shook Chiang Ching-kuo's hand and said: "I know, I know you, Comrade Chiang Ching-kuo, from 1925 to 1937, studied and worked in the Soviet Union for 12 years. In January 1936, an open letter condemning your father was published in the Soviet newspaper Pravda, right? ”

"Yes, yes," Chiang Ching-kuo said without hesitation in praise: "Comrade Khrushchev, you deserve to be called the great leader of the Soviet people, and your memory is so good!" ”。

Khrushchev was very useful, but he still took Chiang Ching-kuo's hand very modestly and said: "No, I am 65 years old this year, and I am old, and I am not as good as you comrades in the second echelon who are in the prime of life." You're only 49 years old, aren't you? Then he glanced at Mao Anying, who was standing next to Li Dawei, and said, "Anying is even younger, only 37 years old, isn't it?" ”

Mao Anying nodded yes.

"Comrade Dawei, you are also 49 years old this year, right?" Khrushchev turned his face to Li Dawei again and asked.

"Yes, I am the same age as Jingguo, and we were both born in 1910," Li Dawei replied with a smile: "However, Comrade Khrushchev, you really don't look like a person in your 60s, and your body is still like a young man." ”

After greeting each other for a while, they entered the conference hall of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. The two sides sat on either side of a long, rectangular conference table topped with green tweed.

Khrushchev took a sip of the mineral water in front of his seat and said: "I just listened to Comrade Mao Anying's speech at the airport, and he said very well, 'China and the Soviet Union are both socialist countries, and the fundamental interests of the Chinese and Soviet peoples are the same. The peoples of the two countries should not be enemies of each other, and there is no reason to be enemies of each other'. Comrades, we should all know that we are shouldering the historic task of liberating the proletariat of all mankind, and that the peoples of the Soviet Union and China have always been very friendly. The party and political axe of the Soviet Union were incomparably overjoyed and encouraged by every victory won by the Chinese people in the socialist revolution and socialist construction. Developing friendly relations with China is the consistent policy of the Soviet Party and the political axe, and it can even be said that it is the cornerstone of our Soviet Union's diplomacy. At present, the two fraternal socialist countries of the Soviet Union and China are fighting to the death over the territorial issue, which is not conducive to the entire international movement and is not conducive to the well-being of the peoples of the two countries. Of course, these problems are all left over from the past. I think we both need to get out of the cycle of how these disputed territories are formed that no one can explain, and now we can sit down and discuss how to get rid of these troubles between us and come up with a solution that both sides can account for. This is the next major part of our work. The key to resolving the problem now that prevents the normalization of relations between the two parties and the two countries lies not on the Soviet side, but on the attitude of the Chinese leadership. ”

After listening to Khrushchev's speech with the surname of the program, Li Dawei did not care whether Khrushchev could now solve these meaningless and easily controversial topics that hindered the normalization of relations between the two parties and the two countries, and that the key to the normalization of relations between the two parties and the two countries was not anyone, and said: "We completely agree with Comrade Khrushchev's view that both sides should get out of the strange circle of how those disputed territories that no one can explain and whose explanations are unknown. Now we will sit down and discuss together in a pragmatic spirit what can be done to better serve the interests of the peoples of the two countries and the international movement to resolve once and for all these problems that exist between China and the Soviet Union. ”

Li Dawei looked at Khrushchev and said: "We believe that we should no longer dwell on those things of the past, and look further, to put it simply, to end the past and open up the future." When the past ends, it is possible to leave the past without talking about it and focus on what opens up the future. As Comrade Khrushchev just said, no one can explain the past clearly, and it is easy to give rise to controversy. Let the past pass, and overthrow all the things that imperialism and feudalism have imposed on the proletariat of our two countries, and let us, the socialist people, who are truly the masters of their own affairs, rebuild them, so that things are more in line with the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people in the two countries and the interests and aspirations of the proletariat of the whole world. ”

Khrushchev thought to himself, now that you China is taking advantage of the big advantage, you will end the past, and you will not talk about the past, and let it pass if you are in the past. However, what can I do in the past, I can't beat it. Let's focus on opening up the future. So he said: "Okay, I very much agree with Comrade Li Dawei's forward-looking attitude, so let's talk about ending the past and opening up the way for the future according to Comrade Li Dawei."

Mikoyan immediately continued: "Then let the Chinese comrades talk about how to end the past and how to open up the future." ”

"Our opinion is," Mao Anying then said of the Chinese side, "First, on the basis of the current ceasefire line, redraw the direction of the border between the two countries. Second, in the region east of the Ural Mountains, west of Lake Baikal and south of the 53rd parallel, the two sides will set aside their sovereignty and jointly develop and establish a special economic zone for Sino-Soviet cooperation. China and the Soviet Union have formulated a special economic zone law, in which neither China nor the Soviet Union will station troops, and public security in the special economic zone will be the responsibility of the mixed public security police forces of China and the Soviet Union in accordance with the special economic zone law. But in general, it is certainly beneficial to the Chinese and Soviet people, and even more so to the entire socialist camp. ”

The appetite of the Chinese was really too great, and all the members of the Soviet delegation were somewhat stunned by Mao Anying's proposal. If, according to China's opinion, almost half of the Asian region of the Soviet Union was cut off, the rest of the area north of the 53rd parallel would be almost all tundra. Kosygin, first deputy chairman of the State Planning Commission of the Soviet Union, frowned tightly and said: "Then please ask the Chinese comrades to talk concretely about what are the very strange statements of 'shelving sovereignty and jointly developing the Sino-Soviet joint venture special zone'?" ”

"Okay, then ask Comrade Chiang Ching-kuo to explain to the Soviet comrades" Li Dawei said: "However, let me reiterate that the main purpose of our visit this time is to solve problems, and we will talk about some views of the Chinese and the Chinese party. I ask the comrades of the Soviet Union not to be in a hurry to deny these views, nor to ask you to answer them immediately, nor do we argue. If you have different opinions, you can also express your opinions. We don't argue with you either. As long as it is conducive to the solution of problems, to the all-round development of friendly relations between the Chinese and Soviet peoples, and to the long-term peace and stability of the peoples of the two countries, specific issues can be discussed. ”

After Li Dawei finished speaking, he motioned to Chiang Ching-kuo to answer Kosygin's question.

"There is an old Chinese saying that distant relatives are not as good as close neighbors. China and the Soviet Union have a long border, and we are close neighbors whether we like it or not. This is a fact that no one can change. So can we be good neighbors? Chiang Ching-kuo asked himself and answered: "In the process of forming the long border between China and the Soviet Union, there were many unclear places, and everyone said that they were left by their ancestors, and they all said that they enjoyed sovereignty. This is the fundamental reason affecting Sino-Soviet relations. In this way, it is inevitable that some unpleasantness will arise, and even the phenomenon of using hands and feet, guns, and atomic bombs like this time is due to our extreme restraint that we did not cause the destruction of the Soviet Union. ”

Chiang Ching-kuo scanned his notebook and said, "So how can this problem be solved?" How to resolve this contradiction? Of course, the easiest way is to use force to solve it, I will run you away, and this place will be mine. You run away for me, and this place is yours. Is that okay? Absolutely. However, in this way, we will not be good neighbors and brothers, and the people of the two countries will not be able to maintain peace and stability for a long time. In order to solve this problem, we came up with this solution that is not the way to go. It's that no one can say whose it is, let's develop it together. It's like a piece of land, everyone grows together, and everyone shares the grain they have laid. This is the concept of putting aside sovereignty and developing together. ”

(To be continued)