readx; Looking at the post-war situation, under the comparison of the forces of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, [***] is still at a disadvantage. Pen @ fun @ pavilion wWw. ｂｉｑUｇE。 Info Militarily, the Kuomintang army is 4.4 million, [***] accounts for only 1/4 of its total strength, especially the weapons and equipment are far behind the Kuomintang army; Economically, Chiang Kai-shek occupies two-thirds of the country's population, and most of them are rich areas south of the Yangtze River, in addition to military assistance from the United States; However, the liberated areas are basically in relatively barren areas, and there is no foreign aid.

There is no doubt that the leaders of China, as the leading force of China's generation, yearn for peace. No matter from the world situation, the will of the people. In terms of partisan interests, in other words, peace is the most ideal path for the world, the people, and oneself. At this time, although China [***] has become the second largest party in the country and has a loyal and reliable armed force, it is compared with the Kuomintang (KMT), which has achieved the status of the ruling party for more than ten years, and the international status of the four major anti-fascist powers in the world; Comparing the millions of troops armed by the United States with lend-lease arms and equipment, and Chiang Kai-shek's own "leader" status of the so-called "four major leaders" of the world's anti-fascists, [***] and the strength of the armed forces and the people's power under his command are absolutely not superior.

Was it a sudden event to go to Chongqing to talk to Chiang Kai-shek? Neither is it. As a matter of fact, the [***] Central Committee and [***] have long considered the talks between the leaders of the two parties. As early as the second half of 1942, Zedong seriously considered meeting with Chiang Kai-shek to resolve the issue of post-war relations between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. In the winter of 1944, when Hurley came to Yan'an for talks, he also raised the issue of meeting with Chiang Kai-shek, and [***] again expressed his willingness to meet with Chiang Kai-shek at an appropriate time. However, due to Chiang Kai-shek's single-minded procrastination and his intendency to resolve the issue of relations between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the matter of the talks between the leaders of the two parties was never put on the agenda during the War of Resistance Against Japan.

At the Seventh Party Congress, the first Party Congress held since 1928, held at the end of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, China formulated a policy for the realization of a peaceful future. In the report "On the United Political Axe" caused by [***], [***]'s basic estimate of the post-war situation is: Internationally, the unity of the three major powers of Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union is still the main one, and it is the one that rules everything and determines everything (this paragraph, when Mao Xuan was edited after the liberation of the country, it has all been deleted); As a result of this favorable international condition, it was possible for the Kuomintang to make concessions and reach a compromise with [***]; Therefore, China may embark on the road of peaceful reunification after the war, abolish the one-party dictatorship of the Kuomintang, implement the policy of boiling openly, and establish a coalition political axe that includes all political parties. Since a coalition government is to be established, the KMT and the CCP will have to resolve the issue through negotiations, and it is natural and inevitable that the leaders of the two parties will hold talks.

As soon as the news of Ben's imminent surrender broke, it was not surprising that the [***] Central Committee once again began to consider the issue of resuming the KMT-CCP talks.

The real political proposition of China [***] that came with the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan. What were the initial political considerations? In the past, because the party's core historical materials had not been publicly disclosed, this issue was not very clear even in the historiographical circles, and there was no basis for the different opinions in society.

In order to solve such a major political issue as whether or not to go to Chongqing for peace talks, on August 4, the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee presided over an enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, which mainly studied the current situation and the central countermeasures, which was an important meeting in the history of the CPC Central Committee. At the meeting, he analyzed the basic situation at home and abroad, and pointed out that with the end of World War II and China's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, we will enter the stage of peaceful construction. This is true all over the world, in Europe, in the East. There can be no Third World War, that's for sure.

On the question of peace in China, [***] prophesied: "There are two possibilities for China to enter into a peaceful situation, one is that we can get some of the big cities, and the other is that we can't. Now we can't get it for two reasons: first, the Soviet Union cannot help us for the sake of international peace and limited by the Sino-Soviet treaty; The second is that Chiang took advantage of his legal position to make Yue Ben completely surrender to him. We can only admit this fact. It is only possible to enter the peace phase without access to large cities. ”

According to the minutes of the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee on August 23, which is the most authoritative material in the history of the party, the views and tendencies of [***] to strive to avoid civil war and strive for the whole country to enter a period of peaceful construction are very clear. At this important meeting, he said: The current situation is that the stage of the war of resistance against Japanese aggression has ended and the stage of peace building has begun. The demands of the nation have been largely accomplished by the failure of the book; In this way, the requirements of boiling people's livelihood are prominent. Our new slogan is: Peace, Openness, Unity. We are now going to follow the road of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat on a national scale. This detour will enable our party to become more mature in all aspects, the Chinese people to become more conscious, and then realize a new Mingzhuan China.

The meeting held that with the advent of the peace-building phase, we should strive for a peace-building period that is beneficial to the people, even if it is a temporary peace, and we should actively strive for it. The meeting held that Chiang Kai-shek's policy of trying to eliminate [***] had not changed, but at present, due to the restraint of various political forces, it was impossible for him to quickly make up his mind to fight a full-scale civil war, so peace was possible, and [***] and his army also needed peace. The meeting also held that the current criticism of the Kuomintang should gradually ease in the coming months. In the future, the principle to be adopted is "Chiang is against me, and Chiang stops and I stop." Now it is necessary to meet Chiang Kai-shek face to face and hold direct negotiations, which cannot be delayed. It is also necessary to issue a declaration and program of peace, openness, and unity as soon as possible.

The most hotly debated issue at the meeting mainly revolved around the question of whether [***] would go to Yucheng or not.

Zhou En said: "To negotiate a compromise, both sides must make concessions. The Central Committee decided that I should go out, and I personally thought it would be a reconnaissance battle. We sincerely want peace, and of course we must take the initiative and force Chiang to compromise. It may also be a conversation and a fight, or a stop-and-go. Everyone is concerned about the issue of Mao going out in person. This is not very certain today, because you have to talk about it before you can get out. Today, I can't make a decision that I can't go out to, and I will see how I go out to negotiate before making a decision. Chiang's conspiracy must also be considered. "Zhou Enlai's opinion is actually still unwilling to let [***] take risks.

Zhu De said: "Peace is beneficial to the Chinese people, and it is necessary to negotiate this time, and Chiang Kai-shek may make some concessions." [***] It is advantageous to go to the negotiations. Are there any dangers? It seems to be much more insured than in the past. We must maintain the army and preserve the fruits of victory that the people have obtained. We must go to the three eastern provinces, send a large number of cadres to carry out the work, and also send cadres to work in the rear of the Kuomintang. It is also necessary to prepare to make fighting a war an important task. ”

[***] suggested: "Comrade Enlai will go to negotiate immediately, and he will come back after two days of talks, and Hurley and I will go." This time it can't be delayed, it should go, and it is estimated that there will be no danger. ”

At the meeting, Chen Yun, Zhang Wentian, Peng Zhen, Peng Dehuai, and others spoke one after another. The majority opinion of the participants was: Zhou Enlai will go to Yucheng first, and then [***] will go again.

Considering the great significance of striving for peace, I plan to personally go to the "chairman" of the meeting to do my work. One believes that "the situation in China is now a matter of reading and adding a number of bright boils, and it will be for a long time." We went in to 'wash his face' with Chiang Kai-shek, not 'cut off his head'. This detour will enable our party to reach greater maturity in all respects, the Chinese people will become more conscious, and then China should go to the talks to realize the new Mingzhuan doctrine, and it cannot be delayed, and it is estimated that there will be no danger. ”

At the end of this meeting, [***] will make another statement. He said: Today's policy was set by the Seventh National Congress, and the policy of the Seventh National Congress is to oppose civil war. The danger of civil war is present at present, but the Kuomintang is in great difficulty, and at least there will be no major civil war this year, so peace is possible. "We need to be prepared to make concessions in order to gain legitimacy and use the congressional pulpit to attack. We need such a period to educate the people of the whole country and to temper ourselves. If the negotiations fail, and the Kuomintang attacks us, will it fight? It should be hit. The condition is to win the battle. Do I go to Chongqing? Or go out. The timing of the exit is decided by the Politburo and the Secretariat. Send Comrade Silai out first. When I went out, it was decided that Comrade Shaoqi would act as my post, and the Secretariat would nominate Comrades Chen Yun and Peng Zhen as alternate secretaries, so that after Comrade Enlai and I went out, there would be five more people in the Secretariat for a meeting. ”

The meeting finally decided to send Zhou Enlai to Yucheng to negotiate with Chiang Kai-shek, and then [***] to go again. During his visit to Chongqing, he acted as chairman and co-opted Chen Yun and Peng Zhen as alternate secretaries of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee. The meeting also decided to appoint [***] chairman of the Central Military Commission, and Zhu De, [***], Zhou Enlai, and Peng Dehuai as vice chairmen.

On August 24, [***] sent a third reply telegram to Chiang Kai-shek, which pointed out: Mr. Chiang Kai-shek's special express in Yucheng: The telegram has been recited. Very gracious. As soon as the plane arrived, Comrade Enlai immediately went to Chongqing to pay respects, and his brother was also ready to go to Chongqing immediately. There is a period of teaching, and I hereby reply.

On August 24, 1945, it can be clearly seen from the above telegrams that in just a few short days, the attitude of the Central Committee towards holding talks with the Kuomintang at the highest level has changed, that is, from preparing for observation for a while to considering going to Chongqing in person. But judging from [***]'s third reply, although [***] has promised to go to Chongqing, he still plans to arrange for Zhou Enlai to go first, and as for when he himself will make the trip, he will have to look again before deciding.

However, the decision of the Central Committee to go to Chongqing with Zhou Enlai and Wang Ruofei did not take shape on the 24th.

On the evening of the 25th, seven members of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and Wang Ruofei, the representative of the CPC Central Committee in Yucheng, who had returned from Yucheng, studied the issue of going to Yucheng for negotiations overnight. After repeated weighing, it is believed that the current situation in Yucheng is determined by the people, and although Chiang Kai-shek dreams of eating [***] every moment, he does not dare to brazenly fight and go to Yucheng to negotiate and strive for a period of peace, which is beneficial to our development. The Politburo of the Central Committee finally decided to agree to [***] go to Yucheng. In the same day, he issued the "Declaration on the Current Situation", which stated the basic position of [***].

On the same day as 25 August, the Central Committee received a telegram from Wei Demaier, commander of the Chinese Theater of Operations of the US Army, about inviting him to Chongqing for peace talks. In accordance with the guidelines laid down at the meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, [***] used this telegram from Weidemeyer to play a little trick, and replied to Weidemeyer, saying: The contemptible people accepted the invitation of Chairman Chiang in three telegrams, and Ambassador Hurley twice expressed his wish to extend it. I would like to welcome Ambassador Hurley to come to Chongqing in the same plane, and I would like to fly to Chongqing with Ambassador Hurley to meet Chairman Chiang's appointment, with a view to negotiating all major plans as soon as possible.

On August 25, 1945, after Weidemeyer received a telegram from [***], Hurley immediately informed Chiang Kai-shek of the telegram sent by [***] to Weidemeyer.

Negotiations between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party at the highest level have begun

On 19 September, the KMT and the CPC held their seventh round of talks. During the talks, Zhou Enlai informed the Kuomintang delegates that Ambassador Hurley proposed that the ratio of the Central Committee to the [***] army be 1/5, and [***] was willing to concede to 1/7 in this ratio, that is, the Central Committee had 263 divisions, and [***] should be organized into 43 divisions; Later, the central army was downsized. [***] should also be reduced according to this ratio, if the Central Army is reduced from 60 divisions, [***] should be 10 divisions, and if the Central Army is reduced to 120 divisions, [***] should be 20 divisions. At the same time, on the issue of military stationing, [***] plans to transfer Hainan Island, Guangdong, and Zhejiang. The retreat of the troops in eight regions, including southern Jiangsu, southern Anhui, Hubei, Hunan, and Henan, south of the Yellow River, was concentrated in northern Jiangsu, northern Anhui, and north of Longhai Road, which was the first step; In the second step, the troops of northern Jiangsu, northern Anhui, and northern Henan were withdrawn, and all 43 divisions were concentrated in Shandong, Hebei, Chahar, most of Rehe and Shanxi, a small part of Suiyuan, and the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningbo border region. As for the liberated areas, they are also united with the regulations on the garrison of the army.

On September 21, the eighth round of talks began, and the Kuomintang side reacted to the new plan proposed by [***], saying that [***] could be allowed to add several supplementary divisions, but no more than 5 armies and 16 divisions. At the same time, it was also proposed that military garrisons should not be confused with the so-called "liberated areas," and that [***] should draw up a list of candidates who could be appointed as local administrative officials at all levels and send them to the central authorities for appointment, but it was not possible to specify which provinces should be assigned to [***], and stipulated that [***] should recommend officials at all levels. This undoubtedly means that the Kuomintang not only has the right to appoint and dismiss [***] cadres, but also has the right to transfer them at will. In this regard, of course, the [***] side cannot agree. In the face of the procrastination of the Kuomintang, Zhou Enlai solemnly pointed out that in the past, during the Anti-Japanese War, the negotiations between the two sides could be delayed and the issue could be deadlocked; Now that we are in the period of peaceful nation-building, we must resolve the issue as soon as possible, and there must be no delay in negotiations or deadlock.

In both rounds of talks, both sides made concessions and were close to their original floor prices, but they were not enough to break the stalemate. In the following five days, the KMT-CCP negotiations could not but be suspended again

Since September 27, the Yucheng negotiations have entered the final stage. The two sides held four rounds of talks during this period, and made the following progress: (1) On the issue of army reorganization, they believed that the number of [***] army downsizing to 20 divisions could be considered, and agreed that Liu Fei, deputy director of the Military Command Department, Lin Wei, deputy director of the Military Affairs Department, and Ye Jianying, chief of staff of the 18th Group Army, would form a three-member military group to discuss the issue of the reorganization of the entire [***] army; (2) On the issue of the liberated areas, although no consensus has been reached, it is agreed to continue negotiations; (3) The question of the National Assembly. agree to submit it to a political conference for resolution; (4) On the issue of the political conference, it was agreed that it would be convened by the National Political Axe, and the representatives of various parties and social elites would be recommended to attend, and the number of delegates was originally set to be 9 people from the Kuomintang, [***], Mingzhuo League and social elites, but the Youth Party asked Yuli to participate in the CPPCC, and then after Zhou Enlai's mediation, the re-determined quota distribution ratio was: 8 from the Kuomintang, 7 from [***], 9 from the Mingzhuo League, 9 from the Mingzhuo League, 9 from the Social Elite, and 5 from the Youth Party, a total of 38 people.

In view of the fact that some progress had been made in the negotiations between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and in consideration of the fact that [***] should return to Yan'an, Zhou Enlai suggested at the meeting on October 2 that the records of the conversations over the past month be sorted out, in which the general policy, military issues, and political issues have either been agreed upon by both sides, or the opinions are similar, and those who can be expressed should be selected to publish them, so as to quench the thirst of the people. The Kuomintang side agreed with this proposal.

On October 5, Zhou Enlai handed over the minutes of the negotiations to the Kuomintang delegates and told them that [***] planned to return to Yan'an the following week. On October 8, the two sides exchanged views on the minutes of the meeting, which was named "Minutes of the Talks between the National Political Axe and the [***] Representatives." What needs to be explained here is that there is no consensus within the Kuomintang on the issuance of the communiqué of the talks, and the attitude of the Kuomintang negotiators is relatively positive, such as Zhang Zhizhong once said to [***]: "It is not okay not to publish this thing, since you have such a big face, you have to do something." However, most of the Kuomintang people did not think so, and it is said that when the Standing Committee of the Kuomintang Central Committee discussed this issue, there was a fierce debate, and it was only after Shao Lizi explained that the issuance of the communiqué was the will of President Chiang, and it was passed. The name of the communiqué has also been changed.

On the afternoon of October 10, Zhou Enlai and Wang Ruofei, representatives of the Kuomintang, Wang Shijie, Shao Lizi, and Zhang Zhizhong, representatives of the Kuomintang, officially signed the "Minutes of the Talks between the National Political Axe and the Representatives of the Kuomintang" in the living room of Guiguo. After the signing ceremony, Shao Lizi said with deep feelings: "The negotiation has been preliminarily completed. It depends on Mr. Mao's tireless work. [***], who was on the second floor of Guiyuan at the time, walked down from the upper floor and shook hands with those present to congratulate him. Chiang Kai-shek did not attend the signing ceremony, but rushed to Guiyuan at 4 p.m. on the same day to pay a return visit. After 10 minutes of meeting, we will take the car to participate in the Double 10 Festival cocktail party. Thus, an important peace document in modern Chinese history was born. Since this day coincides with the Double Tenth Day "National Day of the Kuomintang Political Axe", this historical document is also known as the "Double Tenth Agreement".

It is worth mentioning the wording of the Minutes of Talks, especially the first one, which is more intriguing. Referring to this article, the text reads as follows: "With regard to the basic policy of peaceful nation-building, it is unanimously agreed that China's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression has ended victoriously and that a new stage of peaceful nation-building is about to begin, and that it is necessary to make joint efforts to resolutely avoid civil war and build up reading power on the basis of peace, openness, unity, and reunification, and under the leadership of Chairman Chiang. The free and prosperous New China thoroughly implements the righteousness of the three clear cooking; The two sides also agreed that the political openness, the nationalization of the armed forces, and the equality and legitimacy of political parties advocated by Chairman Chiang are the only way to achieve peaceful nation-building. This ostensible will be "peaceful, open-boiled." The expression of "unity" and "political openness" juxtaposed with "reunification" and "nationalization of the armed forces" respectively not only avoids the previous arguments between the two sides as to who comes first and who comes last, but also in fact adheres to the propositions of [***], because putting "peace, openness, unity" and "political openness" in the forefront has virtually turned them into the prerequisites of "reunification" and "nationalization of the armed forces" respectively in terms of procedure. The clever wording is stunning.

Zhou Enlai's art of negotiation is truly impressive.

He had planned to return to Yan'an before the signing of the "Minutes of Talks". For this reason, Zhang Zhizhong held a grand farewell party for [***] in the auditorium of the Central Military Commission on October 8. However, Chiang Kai-shek intervened again, and he must [***] pass the Double Tenth Festival before leaving. [***] Because of the hospitality, he lived in Chongqing for two days.

On the evening of October 10, [***] by Zhou Enlai. Wang Ruofei accompanied him to the cave forest garden to bid farewell to Chiang Kai-shek, say goodbye and have a long talk. Chiang Kai-shek once again invited [***] to stay at Lin Guo's residence.

On the morning of October 11, Mao and Jiang had a long talk for the last time. Chiang Kai-shek made it clear that he would not make concessions on the issue of the liberated areas. [***] told Chiang Kai-shek that after he returned to Yan'an, Zhou Silai and Wang Ruofei would stay in Yucheng and continue to negotiate with the Kuomintang in an effort to resolve the problems that could not be resolved by the Double Tenth Agreement.

At about 9 o'clock in the morning, after shaking hands and saying goodbye to Chiang Kai-shek for the last time, he left the cave forest park by car and went to Jiulongpo Airport. On behalf of Chiang Kai-shek, Chen Cheng saw him off at the airport. Shook hands with the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and people from all walks of life to say goodbye, and took photos with Chen Cheng, Zhang Zhizhong, Tao Xingzhi and his wife at the airport. [***] also shook hands with the Kuomintang military police serving in Guiyuan and said, thank you for your hard work. Before boarding, [***] pointed out: China's problems can be optimistic, and there are difficulties, but they can be overcome. At 9:45, [***] accompanied by Zhang Zhizhong, Wang Ruofei left Yucheng and returned to Yan'an by special plane.

So far, the 43-day high-level negotiations in Chongqing have come to an end

After the victory of the World Anti-Fascist War and China's War of Resistance against Fascism, whether China will move toward domestic peace or civil war, whether it will build a new type of open-boiled country, or whether it will return to the old path of Chiang Kai-shek's [***] system -- these are the two destinies and two prospects facing the Chinese people.

In the decisive battle of these two destinies and two futures, the Northeast region has become a United States with its superior economic conditions, important geographical location, and outstanding military and political value. The hot spots of great concern to the Soviet Union and the strategic areas that the Kuomintang and the Communist Party are vigorously fighting for. If the Kuomintang occupies this area, it will be able to take advantage of the strong industrial base in Northeast China and cooperate with East and Central China to flank [***] and its liberated areas in the north and south. On the contrary, if [***] controls the northeast, it can form a strategic base backed by the Soviet Union, Mongolia, and North Korea, and fundamentally change the state of being surrounded by the Kuomintang on all sides for a long time.

Northeast China, including present-day Liaoning. The three provinces of Jilin and Heilongjiang, the eastern part of Inner Mongolia and the Chengde region of Hebei Province, have a total area of 1.3 million square kilometers, accounting for about 9.2% of the total area of the country, and a population of more than 38 million. With its vast territory, fertile land, abundant resources, developed industry and convenient transportation, it is an area where China's modernization started earlier, and modern industry was established earlier and more developed.

Northeast China is very rich in products, under the mountains and black soil, there are dozens of mineral deposits shining with various magnificent colors, and its reserves are abundant, some of them are the most in China, and some are the first in the world. According to the statistics of mineral reserves in 1944, Northeast China had 3.8 billion tons of iron, 22.8 billion tons of coal, 1.32 million tons of copper, and 1.13 million tons of lead and zinc. According to 1943 statistics, the coal output was 25.32 million tons, accounting for 49.5 percent of the country's coal output, the safe power generation capacity was 1.07 million kilowatts, accounting for 78.2 percent of the country's total, and the cement output was 1.5 million tons, accounting for 66 percent of the national output. This is a large number in the old Chinese industry.

Northeast China is the country's main grain-producing area, and the Songliao Plain, which is full of chernozem, is the largest grain producing area in China.

In the fertile black soil of Kanto, the arable land area is more than 32.73 million hectares, with an annual output of nearly 20 million tons of grain.

It is rich in soybeans, sorghum, corn and wheat. Among them, soybean production accounted for more than 60% of the world's production at that time.

The forest area of Changbai Mountain and the large and small Xing'an Mountains in the northeast is 26.15 million hectares, and the total timber stock is more than 3 billion cubic meters, accounting for 1/3 of the country.

Railway and road transportation in Northeast China is relatively developed. At that time, there were 14,000 kilometers of railways, accounting for more than one-half of the total length of railways in the country, and 108,000 kilometers of highways, accounting for almost 50 percent of the country's highways.

Northeast and south of the Yellow Sea, Bohai Sea, there are many harbors, there are Dalian, Lushun, Andong (now Dandong), Yingkou, Huludao and other excellent ports. There are also Heilongjiang, Songhua River, Ussuri River, Liao River and their tributaries, the rivers are intertwined and the shipping is connected. The economy of the Kanto region plays a pivotal role in the economy of the whole country.

Geographically and strategically, the northern part of Kanto is the Soviet Union. It borders the Mongolian People's Republic in the west, North Korea in the southeast, the Liaodong Peninsula in the south and the Jiaodong Liberated Area on the Shandong Peninsula across the sea, and the Jireliao Liberated Area in the southwest. If [***] takes control of the Kwantung region, it will break the situation in which the Kuomintang army has been surrounded on all sides by the revolutionary base areas in the Guannai for a long time, so that it will have a consolidated strategic base and a general base area of the revolution in the Guannai, so as to support the struggle in the liberated areas of the Guannai and accelerate the process of the Chinese neo-Mingzhuo revolution. On the contrary, if the northeastern region is occupied by the Kuomintang, the liberated areas in Guannai will be in an unfavorable strategic situation in which the Kuomintang army will be caught between the north and the south. Therefore, after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, the Kwantung region immediately became the focus of contention between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party.

The Chinese people, represented by the Chinese people, were the first to see that the northeast region was backed by the powerful Soviet Union, bordered by the Mongolian People's Republic in the west, the Korean Mingzhuo Republic in the east, and connected with the Jireliao and North China base areas in the south. Therefore, if we examine the many decisions made by the [***] Central Committee in the later stage of the Anti-Japanese War, we can find that the march into the Northeast is not a temporary decision of the [***] Central Committee, but a long-awaited idea of [***] and other members of the Politburo.

In the middle and late stages of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, China had already considered the issue of recovering Northeast China from the invaders. In July 1942, [***] and [***] discussed in telegrams the issue of concentrating the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army in the three eastern provinces in order to cooperate with the Kuomintang in order to build the country after the war.

On September 1, 1944, [***], who had just served as the director of the Central Urban Work Committee, proposed: "The establishment of the Urban Work Department is now mainly to prepare a group of cadres to do Manchurian work. ”

In November of the same year, at the meeting of the Presidium of the Seventh Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Central Committee, it was said: Wherever Chiang Kai-shek lost China's land, we will go. It is also necessary to prepare several thousand cadres to go to Manchuria.

In April 1945, shortly after the termination of the Neutrality Treaty, [***], which was in the Youbei Plateau, paid more attention to the strategic location of the northeast. For this reason, he said in a directive forwarded to the Jin-Cha-Ji Sub-Bureau: The Soviet Union's termination of the Soviet-Syrian Neutrality Treaty shows that the outbreak of war between the Soviet Union and the Soviet Union is not far off, and the situation in the Far East has undergone major changes. At present, we should step up the training and expansion of the main force and the local army, so that a number of main forces can be drawn up for the opening up of the northeast.

At the Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China held in April 1945, [***] pointed out in its political report: "Among the occupied areas, the four northeastern provinces have fallen the longest, and they are also the industrial centers and important places for the invaders, and we should step up underground work there." As for the people of the northeast who have been exiled to Guannai, we should step up our efforts to unite them. Prepare to regain lost ground. ”

In May, [***] pointed out again at the Seventh National Congress: "If the Northeast can be under our leadership, I think it can be said that our victory has a foundation, that is to say, our victory is decided." At present, our little base areas have been divided quite scattered by the enemy, and all the base areas are not consolidated and have no industry, and they are in danger of extinction. So we also have to fight for the city, for the whole place. We need to have an entire base area, including the northeast. On a national scale, this means that there is a foundation for victory and a foundation for consolidation. ”

At this meeting, [***] also proposed: "It is extremely important to prepare 20 to 25 brigades, 150,000 to 200,000 people, to break away from the military region and go to the four northeastern provinces in the northeast in the future, and it is possible that under our leadership." With the four northeastern provinces, we have the foundation for victory. ”

On June 9, during the election of the Central Committee at the Seventh National Congress, [***] once again spoke of the Northeast, pointing out: "The Northeast is very important, and it is particularly important in the light of the development of our Party and the prospects of the Chinese revolution in the near future. As long as we have the Northeast, the Chinese revolution will have a solid foundation. At present, our foundation is not solid, because our base areas are still handicraft economically, there is no big industry, no heavy industry, and there is no geographical conjunction. ”

On June 11, [***] further emphasized in his report on the election of alternate members of the Central Committee: "The Northeast is very important, and it is particularly important from the point of view of our Party and the recent and future prospects of the Chinese revolution. If we lose all the existing base areas, as long as we have the northeast, the Chinese revolution will have a solid foundation. Of course, if we have not lost other base areas, we will have the Northeast again, and the foundation of the Chinese revolution will be better and more consolidated. ”

He also pointed out that if the four northeastern provinces were to be occupied by our party and our army, the Chinese revolution would not only have a consolidated rear, but would also put the Kuomintang troops in Pingjin surrounded on all sides. On the contrary, if the northeast falls into the hands of the Kuomintang, it will encircle our base areas behind enemy lines by Chiang Kai-shek on all sides.

In August 1945, when China's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression entered the stage of a major counteroffensive, he was a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee. Ren Bishi, secretary of the Secretariat, also pointed out at the Politburo meeting on 26 July: "I think that our control of the northeast will be a guarantee of peace in the Far East. Mastering the Northeast is an extremely important issue. Mastering it can advance the revolution by a few years, but failing to master it can delay the revolution by a few years. It can be said that the Northeast will determine the fate of the Chinese revolution, so mastering the Northeast is the primary issue, and there is nothing else to lose. ”

These far-sighted and sagacious predictions of the central leaders reflect China's understanding of the strategic position of the northeast and have become the fundamental basis for the central government to determine the strategic policy and point the focus of strategic development to the northeast. It is precisely under the guidance of this strategic thinking that with the rapid recovery of the Northeast, [***] immediately deployed military forces to seize the Northeast and the Rehe region as quickly as possible.

The drastically changed domestic and foreign political landscape has made Northeast China a focus of contention and struggle not only for China, but also for the two major international political forces. It also made it possible for the Chinese people to advance into the northeast and turn the northeast into a strategic base for seizing the whole country.

When Ben announced his surrender, the main force of the Kuomintang's 4 million troops was far away in the rear of the southwest and northwest; The more than 1.3 million Eighth Route Army, the New Fourth Army, and more than 2.2 million militias led by [***] are spread over the vast areas of East China and North China that are connected with the Northeast Sea and bordered by land. Not only that, the Northeast Anti-Japanese Allied Army led by [***] has long taken root in the Northeast and has a very good mass base. The situation after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War is extremely conducive to the development of [***] to the northeast. In view of the above-mentioned favorable situation and the strategic position of the Northeast, the central authorities have judged the hour and sized up the situation and established the policy of rapidly developing the Northeast.

[***] was really optimistic about the Kwantung region, and on August 10, he sent a telegram to Luo Ronghuan and Li Yu in Shandong, ordering the Kwantung soldiers to "please find out the number, combat effectiveness and cadre allocation of the Northeast Army of the Wan Yi Division, and immediately report and stand by for transfer."

On the third day after the Soviet Union sent troops to the northeast, the Central Committee issued instructions to all Central Bureaus and Central Bureaus to prepare to occupy cities and major transportation routes. On the third day, Zhu De issued the seventh order in one breath.

Order No. 2, which is directly related to Kwantung, pointed out: In order to cooperate with the Soviet Red Army entering China to fight and to prepare for the surrender of the Manchurian puppet army, I order: (1) The headquarters of Lu Zhengying, the former Northeast Army, marched from Shanxi and Suiyuan to Chahar and Rehe.

(2) The headquarters of Zhang Xuesi, the former Northeast Army, marched from Hebei and Chahar to Rehe and Liaoning.

(3) The former Northeast Army Wan Yi Headquarters marched from Shandong and Hebei to Liaoning.

(4) Li Yunchang's headquarters on the border of Hebei, Rehe, and Liaoning is now headed for Liaoning and Jilin.

At 8 o'clock on August 11, 1943, Commander-in-Chief Zhu De said that the Central Committee issued a new directive: Jinsui Sub-Bureau, Jin-Cha-Ji Sub-Bureau, Shandong Sub-Bureau: This Yan'an Broadcasting Headquarters Order No. 2 was issued for the purpose of publicizing the situation to the outside world and preemptively gaining an open position at home and abroad. However, Shandong Wanyi Department should be prepared to stand by and go.

On August 11, 1945, the leaders of the Central Committee and its [***] central core had their eyes fixed on the entire Great Northeast. However, on 14 August, the Soviet Union signed the "Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Alliance" with the Kuomintang political axe, as well as the "Agreement on Dalian," the "Agreement on the Port of Arthur," and the "Agreement on the Changchun Railway of China." The two countries also exchanged notes on China's political axe's recognition of the Mongolian People's Republic. These treaties and agreements guaranteed the special rights and interests of the Soviet Union in Northeast China. In exchange, the Soviet government recognized that the Kuomintang political axe was the only legitimate political axe in China, and confirmed that the Republic of China would assume full authority to administer official duties in the northeast "as soon as any part of the reconquest zone ceases to be a zone of direct military action," and was prepared to hand over the occupied three major cities of Shenyang, Changchun, and Harbin and the main Changchun railway line to the Kuomintang. The Soviet Union's self-centered policy toward China was like a basin of cold water poured on the heads of the leaders. Understood only from the text, the situation is very unfavorable for [***]. Decide to change? Do you want to go to the Northeast?

The experienced [***] leaders who have been tested by bloody struggles for a long time have identified the treasure land of the Great Northeast, and they have hardly shaken in the slightest, no matter what the attitude of your "big brother" is.

For the sake of the Kanto region, the Central Committee mobilized the forces of the whole Party and the liberated areas of the country.

On August 17, Peng Zhen, member of the Politburo and alternate secretary of the Central Committee, sent a telegram to the Jinsui Branch of Jinchaji and the Taihang Taiyue District Party Committee on behalf of the Secretariat of the Central Committee, pointing out: "All cadres from the Northeast and those who have worked in the Northeast in your department, if they may be transferred, they are expected to be on standby immediately; Those whose work cannot be left immediately are also expected to find someone to take over, and prepare for the second batch of centralized standby! ”

(To be continued)