Full of joy and disappointed. This is a bit close to Okamura Ninji's current mentality, and Kita Ikki clearly does not support the position and methods of the People's Party, but Kita Ikki is more opposed to the current political model in Japan. Originally, Okamura Ninji also had the task of persuading the Japanese revolutionaries in China to give the Japanese top brass, but Okamura Ninji found that Kita Kazuki was not only unmoved, but even tried to persuade Okamura Ninji, who was the Japanese envoy, to defect to the revolution. This is a bit "excessive", although Kita Kazuki's "Outline for Japan's National Transformation" is indeed quite interesting.

After finally dealing with Kita Kazuki's enthusiastic explanation for the time being, Okamura Ninji asked, "Kita-kun, are all the Japanese members of the People's Party like Sorakuchi now?" ”

"These people are now divided into two kinds, one is like Sorakuchi, and the other is not willing to consider Japan at all, trying to become Chinese nationality and become a Chinese from now on." Kita Ikki gave Okamura Ninji a fairly definite answer.

Since Kita Yihui was very interested in Cai Yuanpei, Okamura Ningji also adopted the mode of getting off the donkey, and he asked, "What is the attitude of these people towards the execution of Mr. Cai Yuanpei?" ”

"Either you think it's one of the things that happened in the course of the revolution. Either that, or just indifference. Kita Yihui was quite disappointed in his tone, "The revolution should talk about ideals, and after the People's Party established its own national power, it did not talk about ideals, but only about the system and implementation. Originally, I thought that Chen Ke would not support the so-called concept of decentralization, but aimed at the idea of unification of the whole country. However, in the recent implementation, the BJP is only unifying its own ideas, and for the revolution at the national level, they have put forward the idea of acknowledging the coexistence of various ideas and even multiple forms of ownership. ”

Kita Ikki said very passionately, and Okamura Ninji listened with great interest. This was not pretended by Okamura Ninji, who, as a fairly knowledgeable person in the Japanese Army, had never been opposed to studying. Especially after the terrible winter retreat in the northeast, Okamura Ninji became more interested in the ideas of the People's Party, especially Chen Ke's military ideas.

Only the advanced and correct can win, and Okamura Ninji firmly believes this. The People's Party was not much ahead of Japan in terms of equipment, as Okamura Ninji learned through the war. Since the defeat of the Japanese army was not caused by the possession of weapons with generational differences, the rest was a gap in military command. There was also nothing particularly brilliant in the execution of the specific campaigns of the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army, which was Okamura Ninji's reflection on the war. The ingenious combination of techniques and tactics came entirely from daily training, and the Japanese army did not come back alive after the war, and it was only necessary to learn the tactics of the People's Party after analysis. In fact, Japan is learning from these as well.

What Okamura found difficult to learn was the strategy of the People's Party, and the Japanese were in a desperate situation before the actual exchange of fire in the war. Unless the Japanese army can finally reverse the strategic victory by accumulating tactical victories, or the People's Party makes great mistakes in the execution of its tactics, there will be no other outcome to the Northeast War. This is Okamura Ninji's real thoughts after reviewing the Sino-Japanese War in the Northeast. But he couldn't say that.

The commander of the 19th Division committed suicide after returning to China, but before he died, he still managed to protect Okamura Ninji. After an investigation by the War Department, it was found that Okamura had performed quite well during the campaign. If it weren't for his strong retreat, the 19th Division would not have been able to return to Korea at all. Therefore, the War Department put Okamura Ninji on the list of reprimands, but did not demote him. Even if Okamura Ninji was transferred back to Japan as a liaison officer, he saw the opportunity and promoted him to a military rank.

Okamura Ninji was not discouraged by the defeat, and the liaison officer's work was very leisurely, so he devoted more time to studying. Before being appointed as an envoy this time, Okamura Ninji also carefully studied the full text of Kita Kazuki's "Outline for the Transformation of Japan's State."

Essentially, Okamura agrees with Kita that Japan as a country must be included in a strong system, and that the idea of multiple ideologies coexisting is extremely harmful to Japan. The reason why the War Department opposes party politics is not entirely because its own interests cannot be expanded indefinitely, and the majority of those who think this way are from the top. For the middle and lower army junior Zhuang faction, especially the lower-level officers. They hate the oppression and exploitation of the state by the big capitalists. No matter how many slogans are put forward by party politics and how many bills are voted on, Japan's national interests are basically seized by the big capitalists, and the Japanese people do not get the benefits.

The Japanese upper echelons, of course, were aware of the accumulated discontent and opposition among the people, and even before the rise of the People's Party, Japan went all out to crack down on the idea of socialism. After the rise of the People's Party, the Japanese upper echelons strictly sealed the spread of the ideas of the People's Party to Japan, especially the people's revolution, agrarian revolution, and socialism. Even if it can't reach the point of "the puppet whisperer's clan", at least it is a rumor. According to the news that Okamura has heard, everything with the word "society" is banned in Japan; Even a book written by a biologist, "Insect Society," was banned for using the word "society"; There was a police officer in Nagano Prefecture who one day saw a sign hanging in front of someone's house (the company is called a company in Japanese), and he pronounced the club upside down as "society", so he pulled out his knife and broke into the office to carry out his duties! The situation intensified after Japan's defeat in Northeast China.

The upper strata vigorously suppressed the "non-national ideology", but the Japanese people were overwhelmed by the brutal exploitation and oppression. Since there was no other way of thinking, the existing ideas in Japan began to be reassembled and reinterpreted. All parties are trying to find a way forward from this. There was naturally support for expansionism in the Army. Even if the People's Party could not be defeated, the Japanese military department worked hard to cultivate a sense of revenge. The rise of the People's Party and the building of the People's Party have made the Japanese War Department deeply feel that if China can be annexed, Japan can have an equally glorious future.

Okamura Ninji may not fully support the views of the Japanese military department, and it is absolutely impossible to win victory by blindly clamoring for "seven lives to serve the country" and "serving the emperor." How terrible the rigid thinking really was, Okamura Ninji fully understood before the retreat was implemented. The People's Party never shouted any slogans of "communism" and "socialism" to the people, but they spoke directly about "agrarian revolution," "people's liberation," and "class struggle." These three points alone, as well as the various implementation policies, made the People's Party invincible.

In Kita Kazuki's "Outline of Japan's National Transformation", Okamura Ninji did not care too much about Kita Kazuki's understanding of the socialist system, and Okamura Ninji cared about the practical methods proposed by Kita Kazuki. After all, having been in China for a long time, Kita Ikki combined the practice of the People's Party with the situation in Japan in his mind and proposed a set of practical measures. If the part of the crackdown on big capital and landlords is removed, Okamura believes that Kita's view is very reliable in terms of the mode of reorganization of Japanese society alone.

Okamura believes that Japan's current problem lies in the fact that the owners of capital have seized all interests, and Kita Ikki believes that a strong government to implement the bill system will provide the Japanese people with the minimum protection, and at the same time reward diligence and punish laziness, and cooperate with the nationalist education, which can purify the minds of the Japanese people, make the Japanese people realize who the enemy is, and unite to defeat all enemies inside and outside.

Combining the practice and theory of the People's Party, Okamura believes that the biggest problem of the War Department is that they ignore the people. These people are too accustomed to commanding and even oppressing the people, but they have never thought of bringing the entire Japanese people under one idea. Okamura Ninji has been learning Chinese since he was a child, and his Chinese attainments are very high. He saw that the People's Party recently criticized Cai Yuanpei with a very interesting remark, "All people are equal, but some people are more equal than others." After reading it, he suddenly felt a sense of enlightenment about politics.

Needless to say, the War Department had achieved the subtle point that "some people are more equal than others," and it could not even shout the first step, the slogan "All men are equal." In this regard, Kita Kazuki's "Outline for Japan's National Transformation" systematically proposes how to shout the slogan "all people are equal" in Japan, and systematically explains how to interpret the slogan of "all people are equal" under "one concept".

This method of execution is what Okamura believes the War Department really needs.

So after listening carefully to Kita Yihui's criticism of the People's Party's "gradual revolution, but permanent revolution", Okamura Ninji took the time to ask: "Beijun, don't you plan to see Cai Yuanpei off?" After all, in three days he will be shot. ”

"I don't have a good impression of Cai Yuanpei himself, why do I want to see him off?" Kita Kazuki asked strangely.

"If you're not interested in him, then I'd like to talk to you about your book." Okamura Ninji said.

Kita Ikki didn't expect Okamura Ninji to be very interested in his book, and after only a moment of hesitation, his gaze became enthusiastic.

Just as Gangmura Ninji and Kita Yihui were having an in-depth discussion on the "Outline of Japan's National Transformation", a reunion of life and death was being held in the Hangzhou prison where Cai Yuanpei was held.

Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren sat opposite Cai Yuanpei, their expressions were complicated, and their emotions were quite excited. Even though Cai Yuanpei, who was opposite them, was wearing handcuffs and anklets, and the handcuffs and shackles were tied by an iron chain, Cai Yuanpei was still quite calm. He could even say to the two of them with a miserable smile: "Seeing that the two of you are still fine, a big stone in my heart has fallen." The two of them have supported Cai, and Cai is very grateful. ”

Huang Xing's temperament was straightforward, and his two mustaches trembled slightly, "Mr. Cai, I came here this time to ask one thing, is it really Jiang Zhiqing who assassinated Tao Gong?" ”

Hearing this, Song Jiaoren's breathing was slightly heavier, and at the same time, his sharp gaze fell on Cai Yuanpei's face. The assassination of Tao Chengzhang was the prelude to the 412 Great Qing Party in western Zhejiang. If Tao Chengzhang doesn't die, Cai Yuanpei will not dare to carry out the party so wantonly. After all, Tao Chengzhang's prestige is there, if Tao Chengzhang is determined to oppose it, a large number of people in the Restoration Society are afraid that they may not dare to really jump out under Tao Chengzhang's prestige.

Hearing this question, Cai Yuanpei's expression darkened, "Huanqing's death really has nothing to do with me. Based on the testimony obtained in this trial, it seems that Chen Qimei has a great deal to do with Huanqing's death. I don't know anything else. ”

After a moment of silence, Cai Yuanpei continued, "If the two of you don't believe me, Cai, then you can not believe it. Now that I think about it, Huanqing's death is indeed a great responsibility. ”

In fact, Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren didn't really fully believe that Cai Yuanpei would attack Tao Chengzhang, but since they publicly declared that they were willing to die with Cai Yuanpei, many people who came to visit the prison talked about it. Even if they can't reach the point where everyone is golden, the two of them can't help but have doubts in their hearts.

Song Jiaoren hesitated for a moment and finally couldn't help asking, "Mr. Cai, I want to dare to ask you." If Huanqing hadn't been assassinated by Jiang Zhiqing, would he be on your list of party cleaners? ”

After hearing this, Huang Xing's body shook slightly, and he also stared at Cai Yuanpei with burning eyes. However, Cai Yuanpei's performance couldn't help but make Huang Xing feel uneasy, because Cai Yuanpei lowered his gaze and was silent for a long time.