Chapter 202: Framework (4)
I heard that this guy Kita Ikki has sent things to so many people in the Japanese cabinet, but Takahashi Shiqing has not received such things. While he felt relieved, he couldn't help but feel a little jealous in his heart. He asked, "What exactly did Kita Yihui say?" β
Xiyuan Temple Gongwang smiled: "It doesn't matter what you say, the important thing is that I have sent someone to communicate openly with those Japanese in China." β
From a tactical point of view, it's actually a good idea. The problem is that only a Japanese with such a high position as Saionji Gongwang would dare to make such a decision, and if it were someone else, I am afraid that he would have been accused of colluding with China long ago.
Even so, Takahashi Shiqing couldn't help but say in a contemptuous tone: "Do those non-citizens still have the idea of an imperial state?" Now they are only afraid that they have long regarded themselves as Chinese, right? β
This can't be blamed on Takahashi is Kiyoshi, among the people who defected to the People's Party, in addition to Kuroshima Renichiro, who is now renamed Kuroshima Ren, he also claims to have the royal blood of the Southern Dynasty of Japan, and even calls himself "the only Chinese family in 3,000 years". The backgrounds of the others are basically similar to those of Toyotomi Hideyoshi. However, the current identities of these guys are very different, the political commissar of the group army, the vice minister of agriculture, the vice governor, the deputy mayor, the deputy county magistrate, the secretary of the party committee, the director, the director, the director, the director, and the director of the department, there are many people in charge of tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands, or even millions of people.
According to the investigation, among the relatives who went to China with them to make a living, they have even given birth to cubs who have become Chinese nationals and cannot even speak Japanese. When these people were in Japan, they had to nod and bow when they saw officials. Now the middle-ranking officials in Japan have to nod their heads when they see them. The Japanese upper echelons deeply hated these Japanese traitors who defected to the People's Party.
Saionji doesn't care about any changes in the status of Japanese members of the People's Party, he says, "There is always some channel of communication through these people." We are looking for them so openly, and it is very difficult to think about these people. β
Takahashi was very sympathetic to Saionji Gongwang's idea, as a Japanese who followed the People's Party to be hostile to Japan, and if the Japanese side officially sent someone to contact them, these people would definitely feel uncomfortable. The Japanese and Chinese are serious, and no matter what they do, they cannot change the ancestry of these people.
"Then get rid of Xiyuan Temple-kun." Takahashi is clean and neat, pushing all the troubles in his hands to others.
But Saionji Gongwang and Takahashi are clearly wrong. The members of the Japanese People's Party did not have any embarrassment, and even Kita Ichiki, who had not joined the People's Party, did not look embarrassed in the slightest in the face of the envoys sent by Japan. On August 14, 1917, when Kita Yihui saw the Japanese envoy, he didn't even avoid suspicion, and simply said: "I'm going to the court, if you want to, go with you, and if you don't want to, come back another day." β
It is one of the tasks of the Japanese envoys to be able to demonstrate the relationship between the Japanese members of the People's Party and Japan. With this rare opportunity to show his face, the Japanese envoy naturally refused to let it go. When the two of them walked out, the Japanese envoy first couldn't help but ask: "There are so many houses to be repaired in Hangzhou City, Zhejiang?" β
"It's like that everywhere in China now." What Kita Yihui said was crisp and clear. Since the People's Party did not want to adopt any slum solution in the industrial development stage, and Chen Ke made arrangements in the form of a "100-year plan", the construction of residential communities and industrial areas has become the norm in major cities recently. Hangzhou has many water systems, and compared with the major cities in Hebei and Henan that Bei Yihui has visited, the People's Party's civil engineering projects in Hangzhou are simply drizzle.
"What did Beijun do at the court? Report me? The Japanese envoy asked with a smile.
"Mr. Cai Yuanpei will be shot in a few days, and I want to go to the court to make a final effort." Kita replied.
"You want to save Mr. Cai Yuanpei?" The Japanese envoy was surprised. He had thought that Kita Ichiki would firmly support the policies of the People's Party.
"How is it possible, I don't think Mr. Cai Yuanpei should be sentenced to death for murder. Rather, he should be sentenced to death for counter-revolutionary crimes. But the BJP was too determined, so I went to the court this time to make a last-ditch effort. "If the court doesn't work, I'll go to the National People's Congress to file a motion." β
Listening to Kita Kazuki's answer, the Japanese envoy almost stumbled. Bei Yihui didn't care whether he killed Cai Yuanpei or not, but cared about killing Cai Yuanpei in what name, such a move made the Japanese envoy feel like he could only be described as funny. That's all there is to a cat playing with mice, right? The envoy was Japanese, and he was particularly puzzled by the implications. Moreover, since the envoy was sent by Saionji Gongwang, he could understand that the National People's Congress was equivalent to the Japanese Parliament, but the political organization of the People's Party clearly overrode the National People's Congress. Trying to see it, exercising this kind of dictatorship as a whole as a political party is quite similar to the combination of the characteristics of the Japanese army and navy. Kita Yihui, who has always been a supporter of the socialist system, seems to have no idea about this, which is also something that the envoy does not understand.
Kita Ichig's actions obviously ended in no end, and the court staff seemed to be extremely tired of Kita Ikki's actions, and their tone was enough to be called quite unkind. Seeing that he could not be persuaded to leave Bei Yihui, the young staff of the court simply told Bei Yihui, "If you feel that the law is unfair, then you will recruit people." We, the courts, are only responsible for enforcing the law, regardless of making the law. β
Even though he had seen many strange things here in the People's Party, the Japanese envoy was stunned by this very constitutionally conscious answer. One of the most important characteristics of the bureaucracy is that it pushes people from one place to another while encountering something that cannot be solved. But the level of being able to find a reasonable basis in the constitution is truly breathtaking. If you look carefully at the age of the court clerk, she is at most a young woman in her early twenties. The Japanese envoy is really confused, could it be that the People's Party has reached such a point in the hands of so many talents?
Kita Ikki did not continue to talk nonsense, he left the court with the messenger and went to the people's congress near the court. The venue of the National People's Congress was the former Jiangsu Parliament. Bei Yihui asked to see the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, but it took a long time for the receptionist to appear. What came out was a soldier, and Kita Yihui was angry when he saw it, "Xiangle Chi!" What do you do at the National People's Congress? β
Because Kita Yihui used Japanese pronunciation, the Japanese envoy was stunned, Sorakuchi was a relative of the third Soraku of the Red Newspaper Team that year, formerly known as Kojima Horigoro, who changed his name to Sorakuchi after participating in the revolution in China, and is now a division-level cadre of the People's Party, and the Japanese envoy's visit list also includes this Sorakuchi.
"I am a member of the Preparatory Committee of the National People's Congress, why can't I come to the National People's Congress?" Akari replied to Kita Ikki's words with a smile, while looking at the Japanese envoy, "I guess this is one of the envoys sent by Japan, Mr. Okamura Ninji, right?" β
Okamura Ninji heard Sorakuchi call out his name directly, and he also stepped forward and bowed very politely, "Soraku-kun, it's Okamura Ninji below." β
Unlike Okamura Ninji's Japanese etiquette, Sorakuchi stepped forward to shake hands with Okamura Ninji. There were not many traces of Japanese in the whole demeanor, but it was completely consistent with the style of the People's Party.
After the handshake, Xiang Lechi smiled in Chinese: "Let's talk inside." β
The seat of the former Zhejiang Council is simple from the inside out, with nothing superfluous except for the necessary tables and chairs. Even the wall that had been destroyed by the artillery fire was not repaired, but the broken masonry was cleaned up. Okamura Ninji didn't shy away from suspicion at all, he smiled and said, "Is the People's Party so diligent and thrifty? β
"No, it's going to be demolished." Xiang Lechi replied while pouring tea for the two. The place where the conversation took place was a small, empty conference room, with nothing but a dozen tables and chairs. But the staff who came in with teacups and teapots didn't leave after they came in.
Xiang Lechi said to Bei Yihui: "Brother Bei, don't say that the Zhejiang People's Congress has not been elected now, even if it is elected by the Zhejiang People's Congress, it is useless." It is impossible for the Zhejiang People's Congress to violate the Constitution, and the Constitution stipulates that there are no political prisoners and no counter-revolutionary crimes. The crime of being associated with political prisoners is the crime of subversion, which has a specific law. However, Cai Yuanpei did not apply this law at all, he was still an opponent of the civil war when he was arrested, and it was Cai Yuanpei's power to subvert the country. If you ask the National People's Congress to convene, it is impossible for the National People's Congress to discuss Cai Yuanpei's matter, so the National People's Congress will first amend the Constitution and then convict Cai Yuanpei of counterrevolutionary crimes. You'll understand what I say. β
Hearing this, Okamura Ninji really couldn't help it, and he said in a slightly excited voice: "Sogaku-kun, please forgive me for taking the liberty of interrupting you. Did you come up with all this yourself? β
"No, it's not something I came up with. That's what we learned in the meeting. β
"I see." Okamura nodded again and again, he became more and more unaware of what the People's Party wanted to do, in fact, it didn't matter whether it was the Japanese Army, the Navy, or the Parliament. All political forces have only one purpose, to achieve their own interests. The specific means to be adopted are entirely based on what kind of power each force has, and they will choose the political pattern and means that are most suitable for them to exert their power.
As Japan's current "China expert," or more accurately, a "People's Party expert," Okamura himself has studied all the materials and documents on the People's Party that he can collect, and he knows the term "procedural justice." However, being able to strengthen "procedural justice" through meetings to this point really can't help but make Okamura Ninji nod and sigh.
Kita Yihui was not at all embarrassed by Xiang Lechi's rhetoric, and he said unrelentingly, "Counter-revolution is inevitable. Cai Yuanpei is a counter-revolutionary! We can't hide our ears and steal the bell. β
Xiang Lechi said with a smile: "We said at the meeting that counter-revolution and revolution are a pair of contradictions. This begs the question, what is counter-revolution? How to define it? Even for the People's Party, which adheres to the communist revolution, to the socialist revolution, and to the people's revolution, even if its attitude has always been firm, the counter-revolution in the eyes of the People's Party is constantly changing at all stages. It was the counter-revolution that supported the continued existence of the Manchu government more than a decade ago. So at that time, Yuan Shikai was able to choose to overthrow the Manchu Qing, and he was not a counter-revolutionary. Next, whoever is armed against the land reform is a counter-revolutionary. But with the end of the agrarian revolution in most areas, the counter-revolution was eliminated. Nowadays, the definition of counter-revolution is different. Even Cai Yuanpei, he was once a staunch revolutionary. There is no way to be a law for something that is difficult to define. β
Kita Ichiki was impatient with such words, and he said: "Wouldn't it be nice to formulate counter-revolution at each stage at each stage?" β
Hearing this, Xiang Lechi shook his head, "Counter-revolution is a term that only makes sense in the past and the present, but the world is constantly changing, and through our current efforts, the future social situation has been changing. We can't afford to let everyone live forever in the shadow of the past. If you were to impose the crime of counter-revolution, you would find that the majority of the people were counter-revolutionaries at every stage. If you go online, you can definitely make such a judgment. β
Hearing this, Kita Yihui snorted coldly. Apparently disagrees with Xiang Lechi's point of view.
And Xiang Lechi also disagreed with Bei Yihui's point of view, he put away his smile and said solemnly: "Brother Bei, our People's Party is the vanguard of the vast number of working people, and what we want to create is a bright future for the working people, instead of turning the working people into all kinds of counter-revolutionaries, this is our most basic political position. I've always felt that your problem is that you always want to build a royal paradise that will never change once and for all. Do you think that what doesn't change can really become a royal paradise? He doesn't really want to think about it. β
Kita Ikki still doesn't agree with Sagaraka's idea, but Okamura Ninji next to him quite agrees with Sagaruca's opinion. As a soldier, if you think that there is such an eternal and unchanging pattern of war, and military technology is so fixed in the present, this can only prove that this soldier is unqualified.
Of course, Okamura Ninji's original mission, as an emissary, was originally to cause some trouble and create some discord among the Japanese members of the People's Party, but Okamura Ninji now feels that this idea is too naΓ―ve. If we do not consider the feasibility of implementation, the best way at the moment is to send people to kill all the Japanese members of the People's Party, which is in the best interests of Japan at present, or in other words, the best interests of the upper echelons of Japan at present.