"In army building, the army must obey the command of the party and the commander-in-chief......

"You're bureaucratic thinking."

"What?"

"Note that the people's revolution waged by the proletarian party does not need to leave itself a way back. If the party does not represent the people, it will be abandoned by the people, and it will also be abandoned by the army. The army must obey the ruling party and the commander-in-chief, and this is the embodiment of the bureaucratic idea of seeking stability. ”

"What is that system and discipline?"

"The state is an instrument of class rule, and domination is not equal to oppression. Since the ruling class in the base areas is the working people, the purpose of formulating the system of government in the base areas is to safeguard the interests of the working people, and this is the root of everything. ”

"Isn't that left-leaning adventurism?"

"Left-leaning adventurism demands that reality yield to theory, and the core ideas I am talking about are in line with the reality of the situation."

The more high-level meetings there are within the People's Party, the more taboo there becomes. In front of Chen Ke, the comrades dared to say anything. First of all, this is due to everyone's age, and the age of twenty or thirty is the period of momentum. The second is the "security" of the revolution led by the BJP, because the enemy is so weak, so far only the BJP has the share of suppressing others, and it is not the turn of the enemy to crush the BJP. This naturally made the young comrades even more lawless.

Chen Ke let the comrades discuss freely, and he himself seized the time to deal with some documents. In such a time, Qi Huishen and Zhang Yu were on the bar. Qi Huishen is still the chairman of the People's Internal Affairs Committee, and Zhang Yu has not taken office for the time being. The two men each represented a political point of view, with Qi Huishen criticizing Zhang Yu's bureaucracy, and Zhang Yu countering with "left-leaning adventurism."

As for whether the two deliberately let themselves hear this dispute, Chen Ke didn't know at all, and he didn't care at all. The secretary sent the documents to Chen Ke, and after reading them carefully, he signed his name bits by bit. Since he is now parachuted in to preside over the work in Anhui, he also has a certain plan for the future power of the provincial party committee. The party has suffered greatly in delegating power, and Chen Ke has been very concerned about this matter from the very beginning.

Chairman Chen Ke sat so firmly in the Diaoyutai that other comrades had already begun to participate in the heated debate. This kind of controversy has also occurred many times, and there are now quite different views among the comrades on whether "revolutionary discipline should take precedence" or "revolutionary theory first."

Revolutionary discipline has to give priority to the problem of facing one issue, and Chairman Chen Ke has always emphasized the universal significance of revolutionary theory. The priority of revolutionary theory ran into another problem, with Chairman Chen Ke emphasizing the overall situation in the implementation of the revolution and the attitude of anti-leftist adventurism. Therefore, the final decision on major decisions still belongs to Chairman Chen Ke.

By the time Chen Ke had finished approving the thick stack of documents, the debate among the central comrades had reached a new level. That is the "relationship between the grassroots and the central authorities."

"Why do you have to hold a Zhuge Liang meeting before the war? Why democratic centralism? This is a system based on the establishment of theory. The party's decision is relatively correct and collective, and it is not the self-will of a certain commander-in-chief, but it is an ideological work, and after a clear explanation, it will certainly be endorsed and agreed by the commanders and fighters. If the grassroots do not agree, it must be a wrong decision. If a decision is wrong, it will definitely be corrected, and since it is a collective decision, there is no problem of a certain commander having a bad face. ”

"In the end, it is the central government that decides the strategy, and what the grassroots comrades demand is a foolproof strategy. And every decision has to be risky, and many links are particularly risky, and we are now letting party members and cadres bear this part of the risky work. Then, we need to establish local discipline. ”

The two representative figures, Qi Huishen and Zhang Yu, are now a little dizzy and dizzy, although the content of what they say has become more and more consistent, but their attitudes have become more sharp and hostile.

Chen Ke knocked on the table, "I am very much in favor of the discussion of the risk link, which is why we have been promoting transparency in decision-making. That's why we have the argument that the People's Party is the vanguard of the revolution of the working people. ”

Listening to Chen Ke's speech, the controversy immediately began to subside. The comrades all looked at Chen Ke, and in the party, only Chen Ke could lead the comrades to take on the dangerous steps, and only Chen Ke could constantly point out the correct path. Although Chen Ke also repeatedly reminded the comrades of what difficulties and obstacles can be encountered on this road. However, with a line acceptable to all comrades, no matter how great the difficulty is, it is only how to deal with and overcome it, and at least to what extent the work can be regarded as the end of the whole link, and there are no real differences within the party.

"Then Chairman Chen supports Secretary Qi's view that the revolution leaves no way back?" Zhang Yu is very familiar with the characteristics of Chen Ke's conversation, and if he supports a specific approach, it is tantamount to an implicit criticism of the higher implementation idea in disguise.

"It's not about the way back, the purpose of the revolution is to promote progress. Since we are moving forward, how can we consider going backwards? Chen Ke still expressed his attitude very implicitly, "The main point of propaganda work is to publicize a result, and explain to the masses why it is being done." Therefore, the theoretical clarity and logical self-consistency of the propaganda work are extremely important. Of course, Comrade Zhang Yu believes that I have no objection to the discipline and even a certain degree of secrecy in the implementation of the law. I know that comrades have always felt that I don't tell the truth very much. ”

When the senior cadres of the party heard this last sentence, many of them couldn't help but smile. This criticism was almost completely public, and Chen Ke took the current implementation very seriously, so that long after the matter was completely over, the comrades were able to figure out the ins and outs of the whole matter on their own. This made the comrades sometimes very annoyed with Chen Ke. Being kept in the dark, even by well-intentioned, is an attitude of distrust.

"Chairman Chen, since the theoretical guidance and propaganda work of this conscription propaganda and propaganda work are so important, I will ask two questions, Chairman Chen, you must tell us completely what is in your heart." Yuwen Ba spoke.

Chen Ke nodded, Yuwen Badu rarely said it to such a straightforward degree, it seems that Yuwen Badu is really in a hurry.

"The first question is what Chairman Chen thinks of the masses. You always say that you have to believe in the masses and rely on the masses. It is also that my political level is too low, and no matter how I look at it, Chairman Chen, you guard against the masses and lead the masses. Yuwenba asked such a question.

Some comrades had approving looks on their faces, and this crucial issue was also bothering them. However, Qi Huishen, Zhang Yu, and Ren Qiying's expressions were a little disapproving.

Chen Ke replied: "Speaking of the Chinese people, I always think that the Chinese people are great. For thousands of years, China has been alternating between abundance and many disasters and famines, and the people's morale is very high, but there is long-term anxiety about scarcity. Therefore, the Chinese people attach great importance to their immediate interests, and this is not a shameful thing, for historical reasons, the continental monsoon climate is like this. Think about it, every family goes back to more than ten generations and dozens of generations, it is a famine year, a good harvest, wealth, and a disaster, so alternately, one moment wide, the other family is ruined, this long-term state cannot help but let the Chinese develop a habit of desperately getting their hands on it. In our investigation of the base areas, the people who value money the most are the kind of people who have become successful through hard work. This is the result of the natural environment and history. ”

It doesn't sound like a good thing, but it's true. Each comrade nodded slightly.

"Such historical reasons make us Chinese people do not believe in ghosts or gods, and ask God and worship Buddha everywhere, that is, the masses do not have enough grasp of science and cannot understand those natural laws." But as long as it is not for the type of psychological comfort and calm, there are few Chinese people who really believe in these gods, Buddhas and ghosts. In my book "The Rise of Materialism and the Inheritance of Chinese Culture", I discussed this issue. Of course, there are a lot of things I didn't say in that book, and a lot of things are nonsense. You don't have to worry about it. ”

There was another chuckle, especially the comrades who began to follow Chen Ke because of that book in the early days. Everyone can now recognize the problems in that book, but no one is angry, because even that book reveals to these young people to a considerable extent the true face of the world in vast, and lifts the fog that has been blinded by the young people.

"After thousands of years of tossing, those who do not fight or grab, and have anticipatory hopes for the coming year, have long since died in the face of disaster. The rest were to build and hide in the forts, collect every grain of grain, every rag, strangle the children who had more children, and kill or enslave the outcasts. This habit of desperately asking for more and taking more quickly, after many generations, has long been engraved in our bones. From bargaining for groceries, to desperately buying a house and a few houses, to being extremely stubborn about territorial issues. The Chinese people can't say at all, they didn't get it this time, and it will be good next time. The situation in China will change next time, and it will be long gone. Whenever you encounter a new situation. ”

This is too true to be at all a compliment to the people. With such an attitude, how can Chen Ke support the people and believe in the people? But no one dares to jump to conclusions. Because Chen Ke is always able to unexpectedly bring the problem back to his original theory, and give an almost irrefutable definition in a more eloquent way.

"Being born in sorrow and dying in happiness is a disaster that has lasted for thousands of years, and the changes have allowed the Chinese people to form a simple materialist world view. This simple materialist world view also determines that the Chinese people are the most reasonable. If you don't be reasonable, but believe in those heresies, China will have perished long ago. Therefore, the Chinese people must be aware of the fact that revolution promotes social progress. They will also be able to recognize the science and democracy we promote, and will make full use of this democracy and science to make their own lives better, and thus achieve the overall progress of the whole society. So I have always believed in the masses and relied on them. Without the masses, we would not have all the revolutionary gains we have now. ”

Yuwen Badu was silent, and the truth told by Chen Ke was logically unproblematic, but people couldn't help but have a strong sense of disobedience. There must be something wrong, something that Chen Ke didn't make clear. After being silent for a while, Yuwen Badu asked, "Then how do you trust the masses?" ”

"As long as you think that you are not part of the masses, then you cannot trust the masses." Chen Ke stared at Yuwen Badu with a serious expression, and said word by word, "We are all Chinese, and each of us has inherited this idea passed down from our ancestors. If you don't think of yourself as a part of the people, if you don't think that you have the same characteristics of the people. Rather, they think that they are superior to others and that the masses of the people must obey their will, and that most things cannot be done. Because the first consideration of the Chinese people is their own interests, if they cannot satisfy the interests of the masses of the people, then their own interests will absolutely not be realized. ”

Chen Ke's expression was too serious and he looked aggressive, and no one wanted to continue to speak at this time. And the comrades also know that there are some reasons why Chen Ke said this to Yuwen Badu. Chen Ke has criticized Yuwen Badu a lot recently, and more importantly, Chen Ke has arranged for Ren Qiying to be Yuwen Badu's deputy for several years, and Yuwen Badu has made great progress. But this progress is in contrast to Ren Qiying's greater progress.

Some people have openly ridiculed Yuwen Badu as Ren Qiying's deputy, and Yuwen Badu has indeed had a big problem with his recent work arrangement. Not only are many policies not supported by the Anhui Provincial Party Committee, but problems frequently occur in the work for which Yuwenba is directly responsible, which is a rare situation within the People's Party. Whether it is Yuwen Badu's public self-criticism or the comrades' private discussions, everyone thinks that Yuwen Badu has been too anxious recently and has lost his normal heart. However, if there is no significant improvement after admitting it, then the problem is big.

It's just that Yuwen Badu is too old, and no one is willing to take the lead in saying the problem of substitution. And the general election within the party has not yet arrived, so it is really difficult to move Yuwen Badu. Many comrades have begun to hope in their hearts that Chen Ke can forcibly promote personnel changes. Seeing that Chen Ke's attitude was so serious this time, this idea began to come alive again.

However, Chen Ke's secretary came in at this time, and he whispered: "Chairman Chen, should the meeting with those people from the Alliance outside be arranged until tomorrow?" ”

Chen Ke replied, "No, I'll go over now." Have you arranged other reception comrades? ”

"It's already arranged." The secretary replied.

"That's it, I'll go and deal with the outside affairs first." Chen Ke said as he stood up.

"Chairman Chen, I ......, I want to talk to you privately." Yuwen Badu said suddenly.

"Evening." Chen Ke gave the answer.

Many comrades immediately hoped that Yuwenba would see the current situation clearly and choose to resign on his own initiative. With this kind of thought, many eyes fell on Ren Qiying, if Yuwen Badu stepped down, Ren Qiying would become the most promising comrade to take over Yuwen Badu's position. Obviously, Ren Qiying pretended not to see these gazes, she lowered her head slightly and began to sort out the documents in front of her. Until Ren Qiying got up and left the conference room, her eyes never made contact or communication with other comrades.

When Chen Ke took Meichuan Shangyi into the conference room, Song Jiaoren, Bei Yihui, and Hu Hanmin did not look good. It's not that they decided not to give Chen Ke a good look, according to the introduction of the reception staff before entering the door, there were some conflicts between Song Jiaoren and Hu Hanmin.

Umegawa Kamiyoshi is already the director of the Fengtai County Agricultural Bureau. The People's Party does not discriminate against Japanese comrades, and there is always a glass ceiling for foreigners, but it is limited to high-level party and administrative positions, for example, no Japanese comrades are given provincial posts. However, in the army, several comrades engaged in military work, such as Ren Kuroshima, have reached the division level cadres. After all, the military merit is judged in the army, and the guy who hides behind will not get the opportunity to be promoted. Only the comrades of the army who dare to fight and fight on the front line can be recognized. A person who lives and dies outside of the realm may become a traitor, but it is hard to imagine becoming a spy.

Knowing that Umegawa Kamiyoshi in front of him was Japanese, Kita Ikki was already a little excited. And Umegawa Kamiyoshi's current official position does not sound low, which makes Kita Ikki's attitude towards the People's Party have changed subtly.

Song Jiaoren said according to the preparation in advance: "Mr. Chen, we have a suggestion. After our revolutionary parties united to take over the southern provinces and overthrow the Manchus, we demanded the implementation of a parliamentary system with the National Assembly in power. If the People's Party is willing, we Huaxing Association and the League will jointly elect Mr. Chen as the president. ”

After introducing the idea, Song Jiaoren, Hei Daoren, and Hu Hanmin all stared at Chen Ke with burning eyes. Umegawa Kamiyoshi was a receptionist who was forcibly pulled, and he never expected to hear such a "big event" as soon as he came in. He looked at Chen Ke suspiciously, puzzled as to whether he should have listened to these things.

At this time, the crowd heard Chen Ke say: "We, the People's Party, have never been afraid to wage a revolutionary war, but we ourselves oppose a meaningless war. Since the so-called National Assembly is going to convene this year, why don't we give them a chance? If they must give the Manchus a funeral, our People's Party will not be polite. ”

Hu Hanmin's face sneered, "If these people decide to overthrow the Manchu Qing Dynasty, with the current proposed presidential system of inter-provincial autonomy, Yuan Shikai will first steal the power of the Manchu Qing Dynasty, and then steal the president of the country?" I wonder what Mr. Chen thinks about this? ”

"What we are pushing with all our strength now is to overthrow the Manchus, and if Yuan Shikai supports the continued existence of the Manchus, then needless to say, we will definitely do our best to eliminate him. As for whether Yuan Shikai will be in power after the Manchu Qing Dynasty is over, I think it should be resolved politically. As I said earlier, our People's Party is willing to wage a war to overthrow the Manchus, and this is also the duty of our People's Party. However, after the overthrow of the Manchu Qing Dynasty, our People's Party was reluctant to wage a warlord war. I think it is irresponsible to start a war for one's own selfish interests. Political problems should be resolved politically. ”

Hu Hanmin sneered but didn't speak, but Song Jiaoren opened his mouth, "I don't know if Mr. Chen supports the presidential system or the party system?" ”

"What we are implementing in our base areas is a multi-party cooperation system under the leadership of the People's Party." Chen Kronley gave a clear answer.

Although Song Jiaoren's face changed, he was far more cultivated than Hu Hanmin. He asked Chen Ke in detail about what kind of system the multiparty cooperation system under the leadership of the People's Party was.

After listening to Chen Ke's speech, Song Jiaoren was silent for a while before speaking, "Can I think so, Mr. Chen supports a one-party dictatorship?" ”