Will Chen Ke support Yuan Shikai? Song Jiaoren and Bei Yihui were stunned after listening to Hu Hanmin's evaluation.

There were rumors throughout the country that the People's Party had a private deal with Beiyang, but the news had so far been the words of those who supported the Manchus. According to sources, as long as the two parties decide and Yuan Shikai overthrows the Manchu Qing, the People's Party will support Yuan Shikai as president. Other revolutionary parties used to dismiss this. After all, opposing the Qing Dynasty is the top priority at present, and after the overthrow of the Manchu Dynasty, whether Yuan Shikai becomes the president or someone else becomes the president, this is all negotiable.

The People's Party fought a series of vicious battles with the Manchus, and even annihilated the third town of Beiyang, which is enough to prove its firm anti-Qing purpose, and it is by no means in harmony with Beiyang. So when Hu Hanmin said that Chen Ke would support Yuan Shikai, it was really unexpected for the two.

"Humph! Who is most beneficial to the autonomy of the provinces? Hu Hanmin asked.

"Naturally, it's Yuan Shikai." Song Jiaoren replied.

"And what about the second good?" Hu Hanmin continued to ask.

Bei Yihui didn't figure it out for the time being, and Song Jiaoren's face immediately became gloomy. Whoever has the largest territory and the one who has the strongest control over the territory will have the most advantage. Regardless of the second place, it is the People's Party, which now sits on the land of four provinces.

Hu Hanmin's face was mocking, "At the beginning of the retreat, you and I engaged in democracy either by a revolutionary youth or by a local gentry. In Chen Wenqing's eyes, he said that whoever is a revolutionary youth is a revolutionary youth. As for the local gentry, this Chen Wenqing wants to cut down the grass and eradicate the roots. What kind of revolution is this? Leaving the Manchus unmoved, they forcibly grabbed land in the local area and eradicated dissidents. You said that Chen Wenqing did not collude with Yuan Shikai in private, who believes this! There is no wind and no waves, and the collusion between Chen Wenqing and Yuan Shikai must be true. ”

Song Jiaoren's face was extremely gloomy, and Hu Hanmin did say that he was moved. It is not only rumors of collusion, but in reality, there is a rather deep "blood" relationship between the People's Party and Beiyang. Most of the famous leaders of the People's Party were born in Beiyang. Yan Fu himself is a general of Beiyang, and Chen Ke himself, as a native of Henan, is a fellow villager in the same province as Yuan Shikai and a disciple of Yan Fu. Chen Ke's wife is the matchmaker given by Yuan Shikai. As for the current leader of Huaihai Province, Shang Yuan is also from Beiyang. The fact that such a group of people actually raised the banner of rebellion is quite surprising in itself.

Seeing that Song Jiaoren's face had really changed completely, Hu Hanmin smiled and said: "At the beginning, you are simple and easy to trust people. In this way, we will not say whether the rumors are true or not. Chen Ke personally said that he was going to conscript 600,000 soldiers, and Mr. Bei Yihui could testify. With these 600,000 troops, it is absolutely enough to carry out the revolution. When we meet Chen Ke in the afternoon, we will make your proposal. If Chen Keken agrees, there is no need to say anything else, I will first kowtow to him and apologize. Moreover, since the alliance has no military strength, we do not ask for any official position, so we will fight to the death with Chen Wenqing before and after the saddle. What do you think at the beginning? ”

There is no need to say the conjecture that Chen Ke did not agree. If Chen Ke does not agree, it will prove that the matter of the private agreement is true. Song Jiaoren fully understood what Hu Hanmin did not say, and that the People's Party, a revolutionary party, revealed too many strange things, emphasizing practice over speech, and always taking action ahead of external propaganda. Moreover, the resoluteness and decisiveness of the People's Party's actions was also something that Song Jiaoren had never seen.

It is a norm for the countryside to remain unchanged for decades, and Song Jiaoren often misses his mother, who once went home once during the Hunan Revolution, and his hometown is exactly the same as he remembers. Song Jiaoren has visited the base area, and compared with two years ago, the rural areas along the route can be said to have changed dramatically, with patches of mulberry forests, bamboo forests, large areas of newly leveled farmland, and water canals in between. This has greatly exceeded Song Jiaoren's imagination.

Revolutionary parties that have never practiced it believe that with a wave of their hands, the revolution will succeed, and that once the revolution succeeds, great changes will take place in China. Only revolutionaries who have personally practiced it know how hard it would take to bring about such a change. Don't say that such a great change in the countryside is that if you collect a tax from the countryside, you can make trouble every time. In this regard, the enemies of the Huaxing Society and the Huaxing Society are not clean in their hands. Although shouting about revolution and opposing the old system, Huaxing had to maintain the gentry system of the old era, and even the tax collectors of the old era had to use it in the same way.

Song Jiaoren, who had already profoundly realized how difficult it was to govern the localities, could fully imagine that the difficult situation that the People's Party was now facing, and it was very possible to cooperate with Yuan Shikai.

However, Hu Hanmin's accusations against the People's Party are not limited to this, "Brother Dunchu, have you ever thought about another thing. If Chen Ke and Yuan Shikai reach an agreement, who does he want to deal with when he is going to recruit 600,000 troops? ”

This accusation is even more dangerous, this time even Bei Yihui, who has not been silent much, has changed his face. If the People's Party wants to fish in troubled waters, they will definitely want to intervene in areas that are still at war, and Hunan is undoubtedly the best choice. After the capture of Hunan, the People's Party was afraid that it would be difficult for the Hunan Huaxing Association to be the leader of Hunan.

"Brother Hanmin is too worried." Song Jiaoren returned to his normal expression at this time, "Since it is a revolution, what is the difference between each other?" If the People's Party can sweep away the warlords in Hunan, why not let the People's Party call the shots? ”

"You ......" Hu Hanmin never expected that Song Jiaoren would show a generous spirit at this time, but it was difficult to say anything else. Just as he was about to say something more, Song Jiaoren waved his hand, "You and I are just speculating now, maybe Chen Ke will agree to the plan of uniting all the revolutionary parties." ”

Seeing Song Jiaoren's attitude, Hu Hanmin also chose to wait for the time being. As a Japanese revolutionary youth, Kita Ikki has seen a lot of this kind of scene. The enthusiastic revolutionary discussions suddenly became a tense antagonism, brought together for cooperation, and the result was a total split. The Japanese revolutionary youth is no different from the Chinese revolutionary youth. Bei Yihui, who is 28 years old this year, knows very well that any revolutionary ideal will be the result once it meets practical interests.

While Hu Hanmin was going out to the toilet, Bei Yihui took the time to say: "Brother Dunchu, Hu Hanmin's words can't be fully believed. ”

The League led by Sun Yat-sen was now in fact at a critical juncture, with no source of funding, and the Japanese government, which had once been quite polite to Sun Yat-sen, no longer supported Sun Yat-sen. As far as Kita Ikki knows, the Japanese government has signed several documents with Sun Yat-sen. At that time, there were people in Japan who hoped that Sun Yat-sen would return to China to govern in this chaos. As a result, the situation did not turn into a full-scale civil war, and Britain made it clear to Japan that it would not allow Japan to meddle in China's affairs. In particular, it has repeatedly stressed that Japan will not be allowed to meddle in the affairs of the Yangtze River Valley. Under these pressures, the Japanese government had to temporarily lower its relationship with Sun Yat-sen. At this time, Sun Yat-sen needed a lot of support, no matter which side he came from.

Bei Yihui was about to explain in detail, but he saw Song Jiaoren smile as usual: "Needless to say, I can probably guess." There are some things that Mr. Sun can't do. ”

Since Song Jiaoren has been so thorough, Bei Yihui doesn't need to say anything more useless. He took out the manuscript of Sun Yat-sen's "Three Min Doctrine" and handed it to Song Jiaoren. "This is the result of Mr. Sun's painstaking research."

When Hu Hanmin came back, he saw Song Jiaoren burying his head in reading the manuscript of "Three Min Doctrine", and he was also a lot happier in his heart. Chen Ke's indifference and accusations against the three-minism greatly hurt Hu Hanmin's heart. This set of ideas is the real effort of the League. Everyone discussed, analyzed, and repeatedly discussed in all aspects, and finally came up with such a complete set of theories. But Chen Ke actually abandoned it.

"How do you feel about the beginning?" Hu Hanmin hurriedly asked.

"I just saw it, but I haven't finished reading it yet." Song Jiaoren replied.

Listening to Song Jiaoren's voice was not enthusiastic, Hu Hanmin's heart immediately became unhappy. The split of the League was not just due to the emergence of Chen Ke, Hu Hanmin was well aware that even without the People's Party, the League would still split. In other words, the League has never been a united political organization.

Among the three major forces of the Alliance, Sun Yat-sen's faction hoped to follow the line of a strong president of the United States. In addition to being elected, the president of the United States wields no less power than the monarch of any monarchical state. However, this leads to a problem, Sun Wen wants to be able to sit in this position of power, so he always avoids events that can lead to death, intentionally or unintentionally. This contradiction with Tao Chengzhang and other pragmatic people of the Restoration Society is naturally getting bigger and bigger.

The Liberation Society followed the line of yeoman farmers and gentry, and the Manchus were bound to lose every battle, so they directly passed on the financial crisis to taxes. Coupled with the darkness of officialdom, the yeoman peasants and gentry intellectuals could not bear such great pressure economically and politically, and began to seek rebellion. This also led to a disagreement between cultural celebrities like Cai Yuanpei and grassroots doers like Tao Chengzhang in the early stage.

As for Song Jiaoren, it is very different. Song Jiaoren hoped that China would follow the example of France and follow the line of parliamentary politics. Whether it was Yuan Shikai's bureaucratic responsibility cabinet system, Sun Yat-sen's presidential system, or the Guangfuhui-style feudal gang anarchism from the perspective of yeoman farmers, they all gave Song Jiaoren some ideas. But it is very different from Song Jiaoren.

Song Jiaoren sincerely hopes to implement party politics through and through, and it doesn't matter who comes to power in the end, as long as the power is in the hands of the parliament, and a cat and a dog becoming president will have no impact on the country. Song Jiaoren didn't care. What he wanted most was party politics on a national scale.

These three forces, which were originally not at the right donkey's head, couldn't pee in a pot, but because of the common enemy of the Manchu Qing Dynasty, everyone had to huddle together to keep warm.

Tao Chengzhang, the representative of the grassroots faction of the Guangfu Society, who took the lead in splitting out, attributed the pressure borne by the yeoman farmers and gentry to the foreigners, and Sun Yat-sen's cooperation with the foreigners greatly stimulated Tao Chengzhang and others. And to start a revolution, Tao Chengzhang needs money. The Sun Yat-sen faction in the League is a "Shanghai faction" style, easy to brag, and relies on foolery to make money everywhere. And this money was not used to support the grassroots rebellion at all. Splits simply cannot be avoided.

After the defeat of the Manchu Qing Dynasty began to be dealt a heavy blow, Huang Xing, an absolute activist of the Hunan Huaxing Society, saw an opportunity, and Song Jiaoren also lost confidence in Sun Yat-sen. They chose to return to Hunan for development.

At a time when the Manchus were about to fall, the differences between the three forces were not being bridged, but were growing. In Fang Cai Song Jiaoren's answer, it is obvious that he is not interested in Sun Yat-sen's three-min doctrine.

No matter how dissatisfied he is in his heart, Hu Hanmin will not show it directly. Sun Yat-sen just didn't say anything, but in fact, the remnants of the League loyal to Sun Yat-sen hated the People's Party to the core. If there had been no BJP, it would have been the League that was at the forefront of the revolutionary tide now. However, with the rise of the BJP, it is less and less likely that the League will adopt a parliamentary presidential system.

Chen Ke refused to accept any of Sun Yat-sen's proposals, and he firmly drew a line with Sun Yat-sen. Under the balance of power between the People's Party and Beiyang, the provinces of China actually maintained a basic stability, and seeing that the Manchu Qing Dynasty was about to end and the Restoration was just around the corner, the League branches everywhere were waiting and watching, and no one was willing to participate in the armed action to completely overthrow the precedent system. This made Sun Yat-sen's hopes of coming to power increasingly dim.

Hu Hanmin sat back on the stool, watching Song Jiaoren slowly flip through the works of the Three Minism, Hu Hanmin suddenly hoped that Chen Ke and Song Jiaoren would be finished with a sudden illness now. At this stage, only a full-scale chaos can give Sun Yat-sen a chance.

It may be that Hu Hanmin's brain wave power is too small, and Chen Ke did not have a sudden illness. On the contrary, Chen Ke was in high spirits and focused on discussing the conscription work with the comrades of the People's Party. After the first round of basic programmes was sent to the provinces, each province came up with its own plans. The central authorities have summarized and discussed this.

"Propaganda work is very important, but the treatment of military families must not be considered as an encouragement to serve as soldiers, but to make everyone understand that these treatment of military families is only to solve everyone's worries. So that comrades can come out to serve as soldiers with peace of mind. Chen Ke said.

Military dependents refer to immediate family members. If married, it is the wife of a military man, and if it is unmarried, it refers to the parents of a military dependent. At this stage, the treatment of military dependents is not low, first of all, the land of military dependents in rural areas will not be recovered, but will be temporarily managed by their immediate family members. The government has an obligation to help military families with farming. Moreover, military dependents in rural areas do not have to pay the 30% tax. The treatment of military dependents is equivalent to a net loss of 3,000 catties of grain in three years.

In 1911, human life was not worth anything at all. Don't say that 3,000 catties of grain, 1,000 catties of grain is enough for several lives. Therefore, the local propaganda departments are very keen to put this substantive treatment in the forefront.

Chen Ke is firmly opposed to this practice. "It is the duty of the people to serve, and it is the duty of the state to give good treatment to military dependents. These are two completely different things. The two must not be linked. Once the two are linked, then our army is not a people's army, but a mercenary army. This is a fundamental issue, and there must be no mistake about it. ”

"If we don't think so, the people don't necessarily think so." Zhang Yu said.

That's why we need to pay attention to the role of propaganda! Propaganda is to explain things clearly and make this complicated matter so that the masses can figure it out. Propaganda work is not a simple textbook, but a work that needs to be truly understood and grasped. Chen Ke replied.

The comrades in charge of the conscription work in Anhui and the CPC Central Committee listened silently. Chen Ke's words are very correct, but everyone has anxiety about how to do it.

"Let our comrades figure this out first. This is the most important work at the moment. If our own comrades are not clear, how can we explain it clearly to others? ”

However, it must be noted that even Song Jiaoren and Hu Hanmin "did not hesitate to speculate on Chen Ke with the worst malice", they did not recognize Chen Ke's true "viciousness". ”

For these chaotic forces, Chen Ke neither wants to eliminate nor support. In his opinion, these forces are none other than the best actors, and they will give full play to the mistakes of various paths. The lack of knowledge among the comrades of the People's Party is the biggest flaw of the comrades at present. Lecturing alone is useless, and theoretical research alone is useless. Only after seeing the actual situation with their own eyes can comrades be convinced that there are some roads that will never lead to success.

Since there have been so many farces in the fight against the Yue Wang Society, the People's Party has completely lost its recognition of the Hui Party. The impact on Jiangsu's sericulture industry has also made the comrades of the People's Party understand the decisive role of large-scale usable "land means of production" in large-scale industry and bulk commodity production. Each comparison strengthens the comrades' deeper understanding of the policies of the BJP. It is pointless to just know that Chairman Chen is right, and knowing where Chairman Chen is right is the best way for comrades to keep moving forward.

Therefore, from a political point of view, Chen Ke did not even regard Yuan Shikai, Sun Wen, Hu Hanmin, Song Jiaoren and Bei Yihui as human beings, but regarded them as "white rats" for political experiments. It is by relying on these "sacrifices" dedicated to the altar of history that the right path for the future can be indicated. In this regard, Chen Ke never had the slightest mercy.

It has always been Hu Hanmin's wish to have a real ideological challenge to Chen Ke.

But thinking about it, Hu Hanmin didn't dare to really challenge Chen Ke too much. Chen Ke wrote the book "The Rise of Materialism and the Inheritance of Chinese Culture", which has been reprinted several times at the time of the rise of the People's Party, and its sales have surpassed that of "The Theory of Heavenly Evolution" translated by Chen Ke's teacher Yan Fu. There are supporters and opponents. Because this set of books is not a revolutionary book, but a book of intellectual and historical research. Literati will naturally not be polite to such a hairy boy when he talks about the past and the present. There is much more criticism than appreciation.

Hu Hanmin has a deep cultural foundation, and he is naturally critical of the historical part. However, the materialist dialectics that Chen Ke repeatedly emphasized was greatly praised by Hu Hanmin.

It has always been Hu Hanmin's wish to have a real ideological challenge to Chen Ke.

But thinking about it, Hu Hanmin didn't dare to really challenge Chen Ke too much. Chen Ke wrote the book "The Rise of Materialism and the Inheritance of Chinese Culture", which has been reprinted several times at the time of the rise of the People's Party, and its sales have surpassed that of "The Theory of Heavenly Evolution" translated by Chen Ke's teacher Yan Fu. There are supporters and opponents. Because this set of books is not a revolutionary book, but a book of intellectual and historical research. Literati will naturally not be polite to such a hairy boy when he talks about the past and the present. There is much more criticism than appreciation.

Hu Hanmin has a deep cultural foundation, and he is naturally critical of the historical part. However, the materialist dialectics that Chen Ke repeatedly emphasized was greatly praised by Hu Hanmin.