"Guo said that the "Cairo Armistice Negotiations" that began on the day of the state year, the month and the bow day. The general election of the central government of the Republic of China held from July to August of this year shows at a glance the true face of political transactions between the major interest groups of the Republic in the name of national interests but in private.

Compared to years ago. Pei Chengyi is no longer a spectator. Rather, they are the participants in the game.

In fact, the political struggle related to the general election began long before the end of the year, that is, before Bae Chengyi returned to the capital of the republic.

Judging from the situation at that time, Gu Weimin was definitely reluctant to let Pei Chengyi become Minister of Defense.

Although before the outbreak of the war in the Middle East. Influenced by Li Cunxun and others. Gu Weimin made concessions on the issue of the choice of defense minister, listing Pei Chengyi as a candidate. In the circumstances of the time. Gu Weimin must have believed that Pei Chengyi was unlikely to achieve a successful outcome in the Middle East war, so he could veto the previous decision after the war. Let Shuai Yongkang continue to serve as Minister of Defense. But the actual situation was far from what Gu Weimin expected. Pei Chengyi not only fulfilled the task of the joint commander, but also did it very well.

After the year of the thug, he became the Minister of Defense of the Republic of China after Zhao Rundong. And it is likely to be the first to follow the newly enacted relevant law. Secretary of Defense who entered the State Department as an active-duty military member. There is no doubt that these news campaigns are all related to the Military Intelligence Agency.

It is precisely because of this that Pei Chengyi believes that Gu Weimin does not want him to be the Minister of Defense.

Of course, with Li Cunxun's personality, it is impossible for him to say in front of Pei Chengyi that the state is not. will not even give Pei Chengyi any hint in this regard.

Arguably. In the circumstances of the time. There is little hope that Bae Chengyi will become defense minister.

To put it bluntly, Pei Chengyi lacks support from the central government. Although Li Cunxun's influence in the central government of the republic is second only to Gu Weimin. He is a veritable number two person, but as the director of military intelligence. Li Cunxun never expressed his opinion on major political decisions. It is even more impossible to blatantly support Pei Chengyi, and more importantly, dagger. Li Cunxun is a thug shadow figure many times, "Among all the leaders of the State Council, only the Minister of National Defense knows his true appearance, and the leaders of other departments know at most that the director of the Military Intelligence Bureau is called Li Cunxun, but they don't know what Li Cunxun looks like." Other words. Mr. Lee's influence is not enough to decide on the choice of defense minister.

In addition to Li Cunxun, the only one who really supports Pei Chengyi is Yan Jingyu, the vice minister of the country.

The question is. Yan Jingyu was also embarrassed, and it was impossible to give Pei Chengyi too much support.

Although it was the same as Zhao Rundong back then. Gu Weimin is also the leader of the transitional period, and after the expiration of the 7-year term, Yan Jingyu will be the head of the country, but compared with Zhao Rundong, Gu Weimin has a very obvious characteristic. That is, they are better at dealing with contradictions within the government. In a sense, Zhao Rundong is a politician with military characteristics. Otherwise, Wang Yuanqing would not be reused in the second term. In the end, according to Ji Yuanguo's arrangement, the power was handed over to Wang Yuanqing. There is no doubt that Gu Weimin is a catty. A real politician, and a politician who has nothing to do with the military. This characteristic determines Gu Weimin's political inclination and political ability. According to external estimates. When it comes to four, even if the country yuan is handed over to Yan Jingyu, Gu Weimin will not be willing to be lonely. At that time, it may even force Wang Yuanqing to make a comeback, which will cause problems in the political system of the republic.

In general, Yan Jingyu's influence is very limited.

As the No. 3 leader of the republic, Ye Zhisheng, the chairman of the plenary congress, is not an ally of Pei Chengyi.

Because Ye Zhisheng was not satisfied with Wang Yuanqing's arrangement. So in the years before the mouth of the force. He basically became Gu Weimin's ally. In the words of the outside world, Ye Zhisheng's purpose is to live in the Yuan Mansion in the four of them, so he needs to win over Gu Weimin in his political position to fight against Yan Jingyu. Let's put it simply. Because Shuai Yongkang, who was supported by Gu Weimin, could not have the influence to become the head of the country before 7 years, and Premier Yan Shanglong of the State Council was a good man, so when Gu Weimin confronted Yan Jingyu, he lacked an influential big man, and he lacked long-term motivation. If you can unite with Ye Zhisheng. Gu Weimin was able to suppress Yan Jingyu. Of course, it is impossible for Gu Weimin not to know Ye Zhisheng's ambitions. also knows that cooperating with Ye Zhisheng is a risk. And so it goes. Before he and Yan Jingyu tore their faces, that is, before the general election of the four was approaching. Gu Weimin had no reason to get too close to Ye Zhisheng. Because Pei Chengyi is a general promoted by Wang Yuanqing, and he is very close to Li Cunxun, and Li Cunxun is Yan Jingyu's most important supporter, Ye Zhisheng has no reason to support Pei Chengyi on the issue of the selection of defense minister.

As mentioned earlier, Yan Shanglong is a good old man and has no obvious political leanings.

From this, among the most important leaders. Pei Chengyi received very limited support. Because Shuai Yongkang did not perform well in the position of defense minister, and made a great contribution to the third military reform. If there is no very good reason, Gu Weimin will definitely not let Pei Chengyi replace Shuai Yongbu.

Exactly. Until the end of the year, Bae Seung-yi was a pointless joint commander at Gwadar Port.

That is, at the end of the year, there was a turnaround.

The so-called "turning point" was the huge anti-war wave in China.

Although strictly speaking, the anti-war wave did not do Pei Chengyi much benefit either. But when it comes to the details, Pei Chengyi has become a beneficiary According to some news that was popular in society at the time, the number of casualties of the republican ** team before August 3 of the year of the raging fighter was less than that of the madman, and in the following four months, the casualties of officers and soldiers exceeded four, and one of the main reasons was that the Ministry of Defense refused to increase war spending. The responsibility for the excessive casualties lies not with the Ministry of Defense. I'm afraid no one can tell. The problem is that Pei Chengyi has a reputation. No one doubted the military talent of this general, who commanded the Republican ** team to defeat the US army at the age of many years, and naturally would not blame Pei Chengyi for the defeat in the battle. In the words of some ordinary people at that time, if Pei Chengyi was let go. We will certainly be able to achieve victory on the southern front and fundamentally resolve the Middle East issue. Of course, the common people's insight is certainly not comprehensive. Sometimes, they are influenced by nationalist sentiment and make wrong judgments. But in any case, the Ministry of Defense's cuts in war spending and restrictions on the hands and feet of front-line troops must have had an impact on the combat operations of the troops.

It was at this time that someone shook out Shuai Yongkang's personal information.

The key issue is not whether Shuai Yongkang is a civilian official or whether he understands the situation in the military, after all, it has long been agreed that civilian officials should run the Ministry of Defense. Importantly, the relationship between Shuai Yongkang and Gu Weimin is mentioned in this profile, that is, during Gu Weimin's tenure as Minister of Defense and Premier of the State Council, Shuai Yongkang has been serving in the Ministry of Defense and the State Council, and is one of the most important officials under Gu Weimin.

Cronyism. Not a good thing.

Although before this, Wang Yuanqing also had the habit of cronyism, such as Yan Shanglong, Ye Zhisheng and Jiao Piaoshan, who were personally promoted by him, all became national leaders and senior government officials, but almost all citizens of the republic did not think of this, after all, in the eyes of the vast majority of citizens of the republic, Wang Yuanqing has the same height as Ji Youguo, and Gu Weimin is just an ordinary leader like Zhao Rundong, and he cannot be compared with Wang Yuanqing at all.

What's even worse is that when this incident broke out, the election of the plenary congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference was about to begin. Because according to the election law of the republic, the national leader is elected indirectly, that is, by the plenary congress, and the political inclination of the new deputies will definitely have an impact on the general election to be held in a few months, so Gu Weimin has to pay attention to public opinion, especially public opinion.

Of course, from the wrist of dealing with this thing. Gu Weimin is indeed far inferior to Wang Yuanqing.

The first thing he did was not to meet the demands of public opinion, but to divert the attention of the people, that is, to transfer Pei Chengyi back to China, hoping to take this opportunity to weaken Pei Chengyi's influence and let the people transfer the responsibility for the huge combat casualties of the front-line troops from the Ministry of Defense to the Joint Command.

The question is. Gu Weimin did not do it thoroughly.

After the withdrawal of Pei Chengyi. Under the influence of Li Cunxun and Yan Jingyu, Gu Weimin had to push Yuan Chenhao up.

Although Yuan Chenhao's status in the minds of the people of the Republic is far inferior to Pei Chengyi, almost all citizens of the Republic believe that Yuan Chenhao is the most like Pei Chengyi among the young generation of generals, and he is also the most likely to become the second Pei Chengyi's general, so Yuan Chenhao also has a very good reputation. If you take into account the relationship between Yuan Chenhao and Pei Chengyi, I am afraid that no one will associate the disadvantage of front-line operations with him.

Of course, this arrangement has also reduced the negative impact, at least not many people think that Gu Weimin is suppressing Pei Chengyi.

The problem is that the problem that Gu Weimin wants to solve has not been solved.

It was also after Gu Weimin transferred Pei Chengyi back that the Military Committee of the Plenum launched a dramatic investigation to verify whether the bureaucratic style of the Ministry of National Defense had had a negative impact on front-line combat operations, and it was an army representative of the committee who initiated the investigation.

Arguably. This catty, the investigation can be big or small.

At this juncture, the new media of the republic took the lead in reporting the news.

According to the information released afterwards, this investigation must have nothing to do with Gu Weimin, and it must be something that Gu Weimin does not want to come, and the secret supporters are likely to be Yan Jingyu and Li Cunxun.

It was precisely because of this investigation that Pei Chengyi's fate was changed.

As everyone knows. Surveys with political objectives will not yield good results. To paraphrase the comments of some American politicians on the investigation, even if some of the administrative measures taken by the Ministry of Defense of the Republic did not have a negative impact on the war, the Commission of Inquiry would have come to a less fair conclusion.

Of course, the background of the military council must be mentioned here.

With the gradual formation of the democratic system of the republic, under the new political system, each committee of the plenary congress has corresponding interest groups behind it, and behind the military committee is the arms dealer group of the republic, among which the China Heavy Group, the China Aviation Group, and the Northern Heavy Industry Grade Arms Dealer are the most famous. According to some popular rumors, the members of the military council are all very closely related to arms dealers. Although according to the relevant laws, these representatives are not allowed to accept the arms dealers' sweat control offices and cannot have economic dealings with the arms dealers, they do not visit the major arms enterprises every year to take the opportunity to obtain the benefits provided by the arms dealers.

With such a strong background, even Gu Weimin did not dare to despise the Military Committee.

In the words of Lin Muxun, chairman of the Sanjian Group, as long as the military committee is willing, it can at least sway the votes of about enough thugs in the plenary congress.

This is because in addition to the Military Committee, the Plenum also has a number of functional committees, such as the Economic Committee, the Trade Committee, the Joint Committee on Industry and Commerce, the Agriculture and Forestry Committee, the Science and Education Committee, and the Finance Committee. So on some major issues, the Military Council. Or other important committees, such as the Trade Commission and the Science and Education Commission, which are backed by the republic's energy companies, have a significant voice.

Of course. Gu Weimin must know that the investigation of the Military Commission has a lot to do with the Military Intelligence Bureau.

To know. Li Cunxun, director of the Military Intelligence Bureau, is the life-saving benefactor of Lin Muhua, chairman of the Zhongzhong Group, and Lin Muxun, chairman of the Sanjian Group, and has an extraordinary relationship with the son of Li Chengwen of the Li Xingjia of the AVIC Group, and the son of Ye Lianming and Ye Yongji of the Northern Heavy Industry. In fact, this is also the foundation and capital of Li Cunxun as the "No. 2 leader" of the republic. He will certainly be able to control the military council if he wants to.

What's more, Gu Weimin knew the reason why Li Cunxun did these things.

As far as the director of the military intelligence bureau is concerned, Li Cunxun is definitely a very principled person. Although Gu Weimin did not make a commitment, before the Middle East war, he had hinted at Li Cunxun that he would consider making Bae Chengyi the defense minister. And this is also the reward for letting Pei Chengyi command the war in the Middle East. Other words. Gu Weimin reversed his word and even wanted to take the opportunity to suppress Pei Chengyi, so Li Cunxun took-for-tat action.

Of course. Lee's ability to grasp the timing is outstanding.

As the general elections approach. Even if the Military Council's investigation of the defense minister does not lead to anything, it will have an impact on Gu Weimin's second term. More importantly, if Gu Weimin fails to stabilize Li Cunxun and force Li Cunxun to take further actions, such as supporting Yan Jingyu's candidacy for the head of the republic, then Gu Weimin is likely to become the first state minister in the history of the republic who has not been re-elected. At that time, Gu Weimin will not lose the Minister of Defense, but all the political capital.

At this point, Gu Weimin has no other choice.

Exactly. At the beginning of the year, Pei Chengyi's personnel relations were transferred to the Ministry of National Defense, and he received formal assurances from Gu Weimin that after winning re-election, Gu Weimin would personally nominate Pei Chengyi to be the Minister of National Defense. Of course, Li Cunxun also made a compromise at this time. That is, he resigned as director of military intelligence after the general election, and did not support other leaders other than Gu Weimin in the election. Of course. The most critical thing is. The military commission's investigation into the bureaucracy of the Ministry of Defense will be extended until the end of the year, that is, after the general elections.

I have to say that Li Cunxun is not a real politician.

In this round of exchanges, Gu Weimin won a very crucial victory. That is to keep Shuai Yongkang. According to the result of his compromise with Li Cunxun, after Pei Chengyi becomes defense minister, Shuai Yongkang will become executive vice premier of the State Council, that is, responsible for the daily work of the State Council.

From this, it can be seen that Gu Weimin is a very capable politician.

In the eyes of many, Gu Weimin was the loser in this political struggle because of the loss of the Ministry of National Defense, but in the eyes of real politicians, Gu Weimin not only turned the crisis into a safe place by compromising and conceding to ensure victory in the general election, but also took the opportunity to expand his influence to the entire State Council. Considering Yan Shanglong's neutral attitude, Shuai Yongkang will definitely control the State Council as executive vice premier.

Of course. It's certainly not that simple.

In a sense, Yan Jingyu is also a beneficiary of this struggle, because after Li Cunxun left, Pei Chengyi, who joined the Ministry of National Defense, became his biggest pillar in the political arena of the republic, plus the Military Intelligence Bureau controlled by Liu Xiaobin, and Yuan Chenhao, who was later transferred back to the General Staff, Yan Jingyu's status was not reduced. Instead, he raised Concubine Xu. laid the foundation for him to become the head of the country later in the year.

Yan Shanglong is a diplomat with few political ambitions. It's not about gains and losses.

With Shuai Yongkang becoming the executive vice premier of the State Council, even if it is still impossible to become the country's top leader in a year's time, Gu Weimin may retreat to the next best thing, that is, to help Shuai Yongkang become the premier of the State Council of the Republic before leaving office, and then use the State Council to wield influence. In this way, Ye Zhisheng, who hopes to reap the benefits of the political alliance, becomes insignificant. For Ye Zhisheng, unless he willingly stays in a position with little real power until retirement. Otherwise, you will have to find another way. Judging by the situation at the time. Ye's only option was to exploit the effects of the war in the Middle East. Win a good hand in the general election.

It is precisely in this way that this round of political struggle has had a great impact on the general election.