When the maglev car drove over Chang'an Avenue. 【Full text reading】Brilliant neon lights shine through the chest of the single inquiry suit. made Pei Chengyi have a bizarre feeling. When passing outside Xiyuan Park, which was open to visitors, an inexplicable impulse came out of Pei Chengyi's heart.

Suddenly, Pei Chengyi appeared, 8 years were like a bullet in command, and everything became a thing of the past in an instant.

After returning from the war in the Middle East, Bae Chengyi failed to become the joint commander who signed the armistice. At the end of the year, according to Li Cunxun's arrangement, Pei Chengyi gave up the position of the front-line commander to Yuan Chenhao. With a fairly happy result, he returned to the capital of the Republic. At the beginning of the following year, Pei Chengyi's personnel relations were transferred from the General Staff to the Ministry of National Defense. Although Pei Chengyi is not trapped in becoming an official of the Ministry of National Defense, everyone knows that this is a prelude to him becoming the Minister of National Defense. It was also in the first half of this year that a lot of things happened.

First of all, the Republic and the United States led the "Kurdish-Syrian-Israeli conflict package armistice talks" to make significant progress, and with both sides making concessions, consensus was reached on the two most critical issues, namely, Kurdish autonomy and the Syrian-Israeli ceasefire line. In response to the previous question. After the republic promised not to support the independent statehood of the Kurds for a period of years after the cease-fire agreement came into force, the American authorities unified the way to accept political asylum for the main leaders of the Turkish authorities. Re-establish Turkey's central power through popular elections. In response to the latter issue, after the United States recognized Syria's sovereignty over the Golan Heights and the US-Israeli occupied zone and prevented Israel from building Jewish settlements in the occupied areas outside the Golan Heights, the Republic accepted the proposal to use the Line of Actual Control as a ceasefire line and promised to unilaterally withdraw its troops by kilometer back and establish a military ceasefire zone.

It is arguably the most significant progress in the ceasefire negotiations that have lasted for the Kohat years.

Of course. The ceasefire negotiations did not bog down on this.

Realistically speaking, in addition to these two issues, there are many other issues that constrain the ceasefire talks, and there are also many major issues that play a decisive role. For example, on the issue of the Kurds, the republic has always refused to deal with the "issue of border management." to make any promises, i.e. to blur the Kurdish issue, and even instigate an influx of Kurds from Iran and Iraq into the occupied territories through the Iran-Iraqi governments during the negotiations. More importantly, the Republic has not responded to the question of the national process in the occupied territories. There were also formal guarantees of equal treatment of Turks in the occupied territories, with only vague statements that humanitarian principles would be respected, resulting in a large number of Turks fleeing the occupied territories. Similarly, the United States authorities have refused to give too many guarantees on similar issues in the occupied south, such as preventing the Israeli army from expelling Syrians from the occupied territories and infiltrating Lebanon through the occupied territories.

At the time, no one believed that the two sides would be able to sign an armistice in the year of Likou.

Fortunately, the two sides are actually in a state of truce.

Although when negotiations are difficult, both sides will take military action, especially when one side wants to achieve a certain result at the negotiating table, and will put pressure on the opponent on the battlefield. Arguably. After the armistice negotiations began, the fighting on the two fronts never stopped. However, judging from the overall situation, neither side has any intention of fighting a major war, and each military action has a clear diplomatic purpose, so it is easy for the other side to see through. For example, at the end of the year, because Pei Chengyi was about to leave office, the US military wanted to take this opportunity to make a breakthrough on the northern front, and gave it the code name "Wind Hail." The offensive operation, focusing on Malatya, resulted in a fierce battle with the Republican ** team in the area, codenamed "Thunder", in which nearly 40,000 officers and soldiers of two combat units and 10,000 troops of three divisions of the Syrian Defense Forces were dispatched to besiege the town of Hydra, which is controlled by the United States and Israel, in a total of days of fighting. Annihilate the enemy and close to the barge. people, made a good start for four. At a time when the two sides were compromising with each other, in order to allow the other side to make the greatest concessions, the two sides almost simultaneously launched a campaign on the two fronts of the north and the south, mainly attacking with firepower, and consuming hundreds of thousands of tons of ammunition in just a few days. In any case, the purpose of these military operations is very limited, and they often end before they are achieved. The scale of military operations will not be expanded at all costs in order to achieve their goals.

This stop-and-go approach has both advantages and disadvantages.

The benefits are: Governments on both sides do not need to immediately explain to the population why they have not won the total victory. The downside is that the enormous attrition of the war is too much for both governments.

By the end of the year, the two sides had already begun to fight on the Middle East battlefield.

Although the battle line has not changed significantly as a result of the protracted belligerent operations. But in the long-dragging negotiations. The attrition of the war on both sides is staggering. The new address of this site has been changed to summer: Sishan Cave plus 8 four, please log in to read

According to the U.S. Department of Defense, a trillion of Otters were spent on local conflicts after the end of large-scale campaigns, which were dominated by military conflicts during negotiations. In other words, the stop-and-go battle consumed about the cost of the war, far more than the frontal battle. Undoubtedly, the war expenses of the republic were also very staggering.

According to Liqin's year-end brick beaters, only one trillion yuan was spent before August 3 of the year, and the remaining 3o trillion yuan was spent after the armistice negotiations began.

That is, the war expenses during the armistice negotiations also passed the beginning of the frontal battle. According to the figures mentioned in the main government budget for the new fiscal year submitted by the central government of the Republic in July of the year of Likou, the estimated war costs for that fiscal year are as high as trillions of yuan, and under normal circumstances, the actual expenditure will be at least excessive.

In a sense, it was the extremely staggering war expenditures that caused the war enthusiasm of both sides to cool down rapidly.

Comparatively speaking, the huge human toll is even more shocking.

According to the U.S. government's Navy in the Turbulent Navy, after deducting the dead and missing officers and men of the Navy and Air Force, the U.S. Army's dead and missing officers and men in ground warfare are only about the same as the Concave Force. Be honest. In the battle with the Republican **, this number of casualties is not large at all. Start with armistice negotiations. By the middle of the Lilong year, that is, in the past year, the casualties and missing officers and men of the US Army in sporadic battles exceeded 30,000, of which about the number of officers and men killed and missing was about Junwa, far exceeding the stage of the main battle in the early stage.

Compared with the U.S. military, the casualty figures of the Republican ** team are not too many officers and soldiers of Xiaolie, but judging from the many large-scale wars experienced by the Republic after the old years, this number has passed the Indian War, and only the Peninsula War. What's more, not everyone believes that the republic should be involved in the strife in the Middle East, and not all citizens support the government's war decisions. For the citizens of the republic, who are already wealthy and bent on protecting their happy lives, it is difficult to accept such huge war casualties.

It is undeniable that the huge casualties of the war have put both warring sides under strong domestic anti-war pressure.

From the day of the clandestine to the day of the clamour, tens of millions of Americans took to the streets to demand that the US government withdraw its troops from the Middle East and resolve the Middle East dispute through peaceful negotiations. During the same period, the largest anti-war demonstrations since the founding of the People's Republic of China were also held in the Republic. In large cities, thousands of citizens have staged sit-ins against the government's acts of war.

Comparatively speaking, the anti-militant march in the republic is more worthy of attention.

According to a journalist survey, in the anti-war demonstrations in the republic, the participants were mostly between the ages of the force, that is, the age. Most of the demonstrators were a new generation of citizens born in the induction century. It is the active support of these people. It promoted the political reform of the republic and laid the foundation for the establishment of a democratic political system in the republic. It was these people who, using the fruits of political reform, began to influence the government's decision-making and changed the direction of the republic.

Of course, in the final analysis, the anti-war demonstrations in the republic have a lot to do with the war being fought.

Although according to the reports of some Western news media, the people of the Republic held a huge anti-war demonstration to oppose the government's foreign policy of reckless militant and a direct manifestation of their love for peace, everyone who understands it knows that the people of the Republic do not oppose the government's policies, but do not want to have much trouble with the Republic. At least there is not much direct concern for the soldiers of the republic who sacrificed in the war, reducing the quality of life of the people of the republic. You must know that just a few years ago, when the republican ** team swept across the entire South Asian subcontinent and turned a country with a population of 100 million into a battlefield, because the direct beneficiaries of this war were the people of the republic, not many citizens of the republic stood up against the government's war acts, and no one came out to protest against the war.

This kind of narrow-minded nationalism for the sake of its own survival and development is not entirely bad at some point.

Wang Yuanqing made a very famous speech when he attended the old anniversary celebration of Sun Yat-sen University in the year of the sword, in which he mentioned that on the long road of national rejuvenation, the sons and daughters of China must have the ambition to help the world, but before going to the world, every catty. The descendants of Yan and Huang must first understand their own identity and place, and only after they grow stronger, can the Chinese nation have the ability to lead, influence and change the world.

Another implication of this statement is that in the process of revival, nationalist ideas must be used.

Actually, from the old year to the year of Lizhan. The new address of this site has been changed to the following: Sishan Concave plus 8 Four, please log in to the threshold to read the defective couplet; The thugs have been working for a year to figure out a very important issue. That is Shen, "The great cause of the rejuvenation of the clan can only rely on the sons and daughters of China." We must not, and should not, pin our hopes on other countries and peoples.

This should be remembered for every Chinese Ru.

It is precisely for this reason that in the armistice talks, although Gu Weimin has always advocated accepting what is good and not pushing people too much, on several key issues, Gu Weimin also fully supported the hawks led by Li Cunxun, that is, they will never lose the war results that have been achieved at the negotiation table.

This combination of hard and soft attitude. Let the armistice negotiations become confusing.

At the beginning of the Zhao Dynasty, when the Republic and the United States had reached a consensus on two key issues, it was assumed that the armistice negotiations would soon bear fruit. The problem is that by the middle of the year, as the two sides had collapsed on several other key issues, the flames of war had been rekindled, and the armistice negotiations had almost come to an end.

At the end of July, a fierce battle broke out between the Republican and the United States in the Kahramanmaraş region of Turkey. According to the situation, the coalition forces wanted to lift the siege of Kahramanmaraş, and the coalition forces wanted to expand the area of the salient and advance the front several kilometers to the north. Although militarily speaking. The small fighting around Kahramanmaraş had no purpose other than to inflict greater casualties and losses, but politically speaking, both sides had returned to armistice negotiations because of the campaign. In other words, both sides hoped to get the other side to make significant concessions in the negotiations, but neither side was able to achieve it

Target.

It was also at this time that Yuan Chenhao was transferred out of the South Asian Theater, and Ling Yunxiao was appointed as the commander of the South Asian Theater, and Su Jinhui was the joint commander. According to Gu Weimin's arrangement, Yuan Chenhao returned to the General Staff Headquarters to replace General Qu Maokang, who was about to retire, and served as the logistics equipment department

It was precisely because of this that Yuan Chenhao failed to become the joint commander who signed the armistice agreement.

Of course. For Yuan Chenhao, this transfer is a key step towards the position of chief of the general staff.

Although none of the three chiefs of the General Staff, including Peng Maobang, Xiang Linghui, and Lin Xiaolei, had ever served as heads of important departments of the General Staff before this, according to the guidelines of the Third Military Reform, in order to become Chief of the General Staff, one must not only serve in the grass-roots units for more than one year, but also serve in at least two major departments of the General Staff. And at least in the position of the head of the whole department. It is precisely because of this that before Yuan Chenhao returned to the General Staff, Air Force Lieutenant General Su Huye was placed in the position of chief of the Operations Division. In other words, after Beng, with Lin Xiaolei's retirement, Su Jingye is likely to become the first Air Force general in the history of the Republic to become the chief of the General Staff. Of course, if everything goes well, Yuan Chenhao is likely to be promoted to army general and serve as the head of the operations department.

Anyway, this is a long-awaited transfer for Yuan Chenhao.

It's just that what makes him a little puzzled is that after he left the South Asian Theater, the General Staff assigned the two positions that were originally held by him alone to two people, that is, Ling Yunxiao was appointed as the commander of the theater, and Su Jinhui was appointed as the joint commander. After returning to the General Staff, Yuan Chenhao figured out that Su Jingye was Su Jinhui's cousin!

In other words, the appointment of Su Jinhui as the joint commander is semi-certainly the result of Su's conscientious efforts.

Fortunately, Lin Xiaolei withstood the pressure, or Tang Yinglong and Qu Maokang withstood the pressure, otherwise it would be impossible to push Ling Yunxiao to the position of commander of the theater.

In a sense, the impact of this personnel transfer on the South Asian theater is very large.

Because Luo Shaopeng and Ling Yunxiao had a long-term discord, before Ling Yunxiao became the commander of the theater, Luo Shaopeng switched positions with the stomach of the fourth combat unit and switched to the Western Pacific Theater. More importantly, because Ling Yunxiao was an out-and-out army general, when he was appointed commander of the theater, he had to raise the positions of air force, navy, marine, and space army generals such as Mei Lechi, Zhang Xuefeng, Tang Chenglong, and Xiang Zhiyong. led to the influence of the Army in the South Asian theater of operations. In particular, the influence on major issues has decreased dramatically.

All in all, Yuan Chenhao's return to the General Staff at the time of the general election is definitely a political transaction.

It is not only Yuan Chenhao who will benefit from this deal, but also Pei Chengyi, who will become the incoming defense minister.

The outside world does not know that the operator behind this series of personnel changes is Li Cunxun, who is about to leave the Military Intelligence Bureau. According to Pei Chengyi's understanding, Li Cunxun risked losing the South Asian Theater and transferred Yuan Chenhao back to the General Staff Headquarters in order to arrange a support point for Pei Chengyi at the General Staff Headquarters. Affected by the war in the Middle East, starting from the knife edge year. The Republic's defense expenditures will certainly enter a period of contraction, at least not at a rate of nearly annual growth from the beginning of the year to the concave year, as in the past, and the average annual GDP growth rate of the Republic is only a cent. That is, the approval of equipment will be stricter, and the struggle between the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff will be more intense.

When Pei Chengyi was Minister of National Defense, if he could get the support of the head of the Logistics and Equipment Division of the General Staff, many problems would no longer be a problem.

It can be said that this is a meaningful arrangement, and it is also a crucial one.