Chapter 740 on Intra-Party Democracy (continued)

Liu Yimin's article is the first article devoted to intra-party democracy, and it is written very carefully. For the whole night, Liu Yimin sat at the table and worked hard to write. When it was dawn, Liu Yimin put down his pen, got up and róuróu his eyes, washed his face, went outside to stretch his muscles, and came back and sat down again to continue to climb the lattice.

For two days in a row, Liu Yimin stayed at home, closed his mén writing, and summarized what he had learned from later generations and what he saw now.

In Liu Yimin's view, the god of science and democracy is the true modern god of jīng. Only by holding high the banner of resistance against Japan and promoting the gods of science and democracy can we turn the War of Resistance into a phoenix nirvana journey for the whole nation and the whole country to modernization. Through the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, it is necessary not only to temper an invincible army in the world and give birth to a well-established military industry and a national industry with a sound system, but also to achieve a great emancipation and leap forward in the people's ideology, social system, and production and life, so as to turn colonial, semi-colonial, and semi-feudal China into a modern, powerful, independent, free, democratic, prosperous, and powerful new China. This kind of war of resistance is the war of resistance we need.

Liu Yimin devoted a great deal of space to the idea that science and democracy are the essence of Marxist theory. He wrote that when Marx discovered the great contribution of science and technology to social progress from industrialization, when Marx discovered the secret of capitalist exploitation from the theory of surplus value, and when Marx propagated the proletarian revolution, the god of scientific democracy was embodied in his theory from beginning to end. The premise of achieving ** is that the productivity is highly developed and can ensure that people allocate according to their needs. And to make the productive forces highly developed, without the development of science and technology, it is all empty talk. As for democracy, Liu Yimin believes that the proletarian revolution is, in essence, a struggle for freedom, a struggle for democracy, and the right to participate in the decision-making of the country's political and economic life.

Liu Yimin analyzed the article in detail and expounded the viewpoint that Marxism is a scientific theoretical system very clearly.

When discussing the relationship between democracy and centralism, Liu Yimin stressed that democracy is the foundation, and centralization must be built on the basis of giving full play to democracy. Without the full development of democracy, there should be no centralization. This is because such concentration is often reduced to an excuse for individuals to impose their will on the group, with disastrous consequences.

Here, Liu Yimin was not polite, he revisited the story of the Soviet area, brought up the problem of the three-person group again, analyzed in detail the causes and harms caused by the three-person group, and believed that this was a typical case of undermining intra-party democracy under the pretext of concentration. That's not all, Liu Yimin took out the expansion of the Hubei-Henan-Anhui anti-rebellion and the Sichuan-Shaanxi base area for analysis. He pointed out that the reason why Zhang Guotao was able to carry out the expansion of the purge and rebellion in Hubei, Henan, Anhui, Sichuan, and Shaanxi, and put himself above the organization was not how much he had contribution, nor how great his military exploits were, still less how strong his ability and level were; apart from his personal ideological problems and moral character, the most important point was that the system was flawed, allowing him to exploit loopholes.

Liu Yimin believes that political democracy is the foundation for the survival and development of a political party, and only on the basis of political democracy can our party accept talented people from all over the world and continue to grow and develop. However, it is not ordinary party members and grassroots organizations that are most likely to undermine political democracy, but the decision-making level. Because it is as big as one party and one country, as small as a class and a village, democracy and ** are both natural enemies. The most fundamental purpose of promoting democracy is to limit decision-makers from abusing their powers, and to hold accountable those who cause trouble. For example, whoever initiates the expansion of the suppression of rebellion should be punished by party discipline and given a jiāo treatment to the whole party and the whole army. In the future, when we win the war and establish New China, we will formulate a complete legal system, and we will judge those who ignore the actual situation, blindly act arbitrarily, and cause heavy losses. Just like the issue of the expansion of the concentrated suppression, some people did not investigate or study it, copied and copied it, applied the Soviet Union's methods, completely ignored the actual situation of less than 500 Trotskyists in China, made false accusations, arbitrarily exaggerated the degree of harm caused by the Trotskyists, and adopted the method of confession and suppression in the base areas and troops, with the result that many heroes who could not be killed even if they wanted to kill were beaten into tricks and unjustly sacrificed, causing heavy losses. Even if these people are not judged now, they will be nailed to the pillar of shame in the future.

Of course, now that we are in the war years, winning the war is the most fundamental goal, and it is also necessary to strengthen concentration. If democracy is fully promoted in everything, by the time everyone is unified in their thinking, the Japanese army has already arrived at the headquarters and has no head, so what democracy can it say? This is a contradiction, and the solution to this contradiction can only be found through the supervisory mechanism.

In view of the current situation of our party and our army, Liu Yimin believes that with the continuous expansion of base areas and the continuous expansion of the size of the troops, it is necessary to be restrained by party discipline and military law. All base areas and military districts at all levels should set up courts and military courts to give fair trials to cadres and fighters who have made mistakes and caused losses, and judgments should convince those who have made mistakes and convince others of their verdicts.

As for the political movement of suppressing rebellion and suppression, Liu Yimin believes that it not only does more harm than good, but also is simply bad. Every time they do it, they make the troops hurt their muscles and bones, and all the losses are the backbone, and some losses are simply irreparable. Therefore, he seriously analyzed the essence of the rebellion and the suppression, and proposed that the purpose of this kind of movement is purely that the people who went to Moscow to study did not grasp the essence of Marxist theory, and equated ** with democratic centralism, which was used to guide the revolution after returning, in exchange for countless loyal revolutionaries falling to the ground and playing the role of helpers to the enemy. Therefore, Liu Yimin proposed that in addition to ideological education activities, there should be no large-scale political movements within the party to avoid being used by careerists.

Liu Yimin wrote for two days and two nights, and the article was written for a long time, with both theory and facts, and he put forward some methods and measures for strengthening and guaranteeing inner-party democracy. For example, he pointed out that during the war years, a strong core of leadership was needed, and that the party's top leaders did not have the problem of tenure, and that they should step down at any time if they made major mistakes and caused heavy losses. However, leaders with strong leadership, correct orientation, and who lead the whole party and the whole army to victory should be re-elected until victory in the war. However, after the victory of the war and the establishment of New China, the party and state leaders should implement the term of office system, stipulating the term of office for each term, usually two terms, and retirement at the end of the term. Only in this way can we ensure that the change of political power is democratic and scientific, and that the development of the cause is continuous and stable. For another example, he proposed that in addition to the joint responsibility of military commanders and political directors for military commands, the Standing Committee should adopt a voting system for major policy decisions, and the results of the votes should be used to decide whether or not to implement them.

In the article, Liu Yimin gave a detailed account of the implementation of the three-three system of political power election and the direct election model of village-level political power in the Shandong base areas, introduced the situation of the establishment of military tribunals by the instructors, and introduced the specific methods of the Shandong Military Region and the instructors in the anti-special forces.

Liu Yimin has written so much, some things are very advanced, and it is likely to cause some misunderstandings. Therefore, Liu Yimin wrote that the promotion of intra-party democracy is also to protect the rights and interests of party members and reflect the will of party members. For example, he said: When a person comes into the world, in addition to the obligation to serve the country and the party, he also has the right to pursue personal freedom and enjoy life. For example, he, Liu Yimin, has the greatest wish to defeat the little devils as soon as possible and establish New China. But he also has other life pursuits, such as traveling to countries around the world, tasting food, writing books and paintings, etc. If he can survive the battlefield by luck, survive until the victory of the war, the establishment of New China, and see with his own eyes that national construction is on the right track, he will decide to retire and take his wife and children to travel and give lectures in various countries around the world. If this could not be achieved, he was willing to take his wife and children to the beach, build a house, farm land and fish, write memoirs, and write about the heroic deeds of the martyrs in the war to educate future generations.

After Tang Xingying came home at night, she heard that Liu Yimin went back to see her son, but she didn't care. But her mother didn't follow, so she had to go to see Liu Yimin, saying that what if something happened?

Tang Xingying had no choice but to wash her face, clean up, and go to see Liu Yimin. As a result, when I went to Liu Yimin, I saw that he was sitting on the desk and was scribbling, he had no distractions, and he didn't dare to disturb, so he waited for Li Xiaoshuai and them not to forget to boil water and deliver food, so they went back.

The next morning, before Tang Xingying went out to run errands, she came to see Liu Yimin again, wanting to remind him not to think too deeply about a problem. As a result, I saw Liu Yimin writing at the desk, which made Tang Xingying feel very distressed. I had the heart to pull him out to rest for a while, and I thought that I had divorced him and had to avoid suspicion. Besides, she knows Liu Yimin's habits, thinking about problems, directing wars, and writing, and she doesn't let people disturb her. Tang Xingying had no choice but to sigh lightly in her heart, turn around and leave.

On the evening of the third day, Tang Xingying couldn't rest assured and came to see Liu Yimin again. When I walked to the entrance of Mén, I saw that Liu Yimin had finally put down his pen, so he shouted the report.

Liu Yimin worked hard for two days and two nights, and finally finished writing "On Intra-Party Democracy". Hearing the report, seeing that it was Tang Xingying coming, he directly called Tang Xingying to make him a cup of strong tea, he was tired, thirsty, and hungry.

The rice is ready-made, the tea is also ready-made, and Li Xiaoshuai has already prepared it. Seeing that Liu Yimin had finally finished writing and was about to eat and drink, Li Xiaoshuai hurriedly brought over the food and tea, and did not forget to muttered to Tang Xingying, No. 1 will not die when he gets up at work, and he will not eat for a day, so please ask Director Tang to persuade him more and not to fall ill.

Sitting opposite Liu Yimin, watching Liu Yimin gobble up and eat and drink, Tang Xingying couldn't help but say, "Why do you care so much about yourself? Ni Hua has only been gone for a few days, and no one cares about you, right? How can you go all day without meals all day? ”

Liu Yimin smiled and said that he was in good health, and it was nothing to eat one less meal.

After Liu Yimin finished eating and drinking tea, he asked Tang Xingying how the recent fùnv work in central Jiangsu, northern Jiangsu and northeastern Anhui had been carried out?

As soon as she talked about work, Tang Xingying's face was vivid, and she immediately reported her work.

According to Tang Xingying, northern Jiangsu, central Jiangsu, and northeastern Anhui, including southern Hebei and Shandong, are denser than the base areas in Shaanxi, and their education level is relatively high. Now, in northeastern Anhui, northern Jiangsu, and central Jiangsu, wherever our army went, the fùnv was organized, and the fùnv was established, and as a militia, in addition to making military shoes and taking care of the wounded, they could also go to the front line to support the front.

Liu Yimin knew all these situations that the four infantry brigades and one cavalry brigade of the Eighth Route Army were deployed in northeastern Anhui, northern Jiangsu, and central Jiangsu, and with the northern Jiangsu detachment, it was a very powerful armed force. With such a powerful force, local work will naturally be much easier to do.

Liu Yimin asked Tang Xingying what are the main problems?

Tang Xingying replied that the first question was mainly due to the fact that land reform could not be implemented, so the policy of rent reduction and interest reduction could only be implemented. As a result, some landlords are unwilling, believing that their interests have been infringed upon, and they always think of tricks, and there is a phenomenon of light and darkness not diminishing. Some party members who came from poor peasant backgrounds were also not happy, believing that the rent and interest reduction was a compromise with the landlords. The second problem is that some local forces are very strong, like the last time Zhao Yonggang led his soldiers to be pursued by the Japanese special combat team in the southeast of Jiagou, it was because he was stopped by the villagers when he passed by a dirt enclosure and lost his position, so he was caught up by the Japanese army, resulting in the death of 10 soldiers. There are a lot of such soil enclosures in northeast Anhui, northern Jiangsu, and central Jiangsu, and they were originally built to deal with bandits. Third, military training of local armed forces should be strengthened. At present, the armed forces in various localities are developing rapidly, and it is often possible to pull up a team by giving a number. These local armed forces have not undergone formal military training, and many soldiers are not accurate in their guns, and if they encounter little devils, they will have to suffer a big loss.

Liu Yimin asked about the problems existing in the work of fùnv, and Tang Xingying answered the problems existing in the construction of the base areas and troops. But Liu Yimin listened to it with taste, and praised Tang Xingying for his progress and knew that he had considered the problem from the perspective of the overall situation.

After the praise, Liu Yimin told Tang Xingying that the work of fùnv should be stepped up, and it is necessary to mobilize forces, most of the fùnv cadre training courses, and also hold fùnv military training classes, so that fùnv people have the ability to fight hard with devils at a critical moment, at least they must be trained to shoot guns and throw grenades. Because every time the devil sweeps the dàng, the people who are hurt the most are the nv people.

Tang Xingying suggested that Chōu should transfer some of his troops to train the newly formed militia and local forces.

Liu Yimin agreed, and then told Tang Xingying that the troops were going to act. After living in Shuanggou for so long, it's time to find a little devil to loosen your muscles. She is asked to prepare as soon as she returns, and to ensure the safety of her mother and children.

After sending Tang Xingying away, Liu Yimin calmed down, read the article "On Intra-Party Democracy" from beginning to end, pondered and revised it again, and then sent it back to the big store for Luo Ronghuan to consider and publish it.

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