Every time I am in the mountains, I haven't heard about political affairs for a long time," but Wang Xiqing's ability to judge the situation was also stunned

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When he was discussing the international situation with Pei Chengyi at the dinner table, thousands of kilometers away in the Moscow Kremlin, a secret meeting of the Russian military and political leaders personally convened and presided over by Russian President Paulkin Ivanovich Chryakov had been going on for nearly an hour, and it had not yet ended. Attending the meeting were at least ministerial-level officials, or military personnel at the rank of major general or above, and all of them held important positions, including Vice President Djodnovich, Prime Minister Ilyushchenko, Defense Minister Jankich, Foreign Minister Olgakov, Chief of the General Staff of the Russian Army, General Ulyanov, Deputy Chief of the General Staff, General Provetsky, Deputy Chief of the General Staff, Army Commander General Chervinsky, Navy Commander Admiral Sonokov, Air Force Commander Admiral Krachev, and Commander of the Space Forces Admiral Dukov. It was clear from the participants that this was definitely not a simple high-level meeting, but a pre-war meeting with military affairs as the main topic. It is worth noting that the leading role in the meeting was not played by the numerous generals, but by the master of the Kremlin, Russian President Cheryakov.

In Russia, Cheryakov is definitely a household name and legend.

As early as the old years, the early years of Force, Cheryakov went to Iran as a military adviser, and successively assisted the Iranian army in the fight in Aladan, Ahvaz and Andymessek, and was awarded the "Islamic Medal of Honor" by the Supreme Spiritual Leader of Iran three times.

In the same year, Cheyyakov returned with honor. He was also promoted to colonel of the Russian Army, becoming the youngest colonel in the Russian army in recent years. Because of his outstanding performance in Iran and his proficiency in two foreign languages, Persian and English, in the second year after returning home, Charyakov was favored by Russia's number one intelligence agency, which was reorganized after the collapse of the Soviet Union by the Russian National Security Service. Become an intelligence officer.

It must be admitted that everyone is subject to fate. In July, less than two months after Cheryakov joined Russia's State Security Service. In the third outbreak of the Chechen war, Chechen rebels, secretly supported by Western intelligence agencies such as the Fourth Artillery and the Fourth Artillery, made a comeback, took control of Grozny in the old days, captured the Russian military camp on the outskirts, and killed, wounded and captured nearly 1,000 Russian officers and soldiers. Because in Iran participated in several urban battles. And lived in an Islamic country for several years. So Cheryakov rushed to Chechnya in early August with the first batch of internal affairs troops. From then on, this "Hero of Iran." stepped onto the stage of Russian history.

The third Chechen war was fierce, but not tragic. Although the US authorities have made it clear that they will use this to strike at Russia and avenge the Iranian war, and the Korean Peninsula War, which will curb the momentum of Russia's rise, will be directed against the Republic, the US authorities have picked the wrong time. Not to mention for the time being, many officers and soldiers of the Russian army participated in the Iranian war. In particular, some middle-level officers and military advisers assisted the Iranian army in several battles, and gained a new understanding of urban warfare, based on the domestic situation in Russia at that time, that is, the fighting spirit of the Russian people to work hard and resist the Great Depression together. Even with the full support of U.S. intelligence, Chechen rebels will not be able to survive.

For Cheryakov and a large number of Russian young soldiers, this is a golden opportunity. In Charyakov's government alone, the prime minister, the minister of defense, the chief of the general staff, the deputy chief of the general staff, and the commander of the four armed forces participated in the third Chechen war. Most of the senior officials in the previous Cheryakov governments were involved in the Third Chechen War.

In the words of some European news media. The Third Chechen War was a litmus test for both the military and political circles of Russia.

Because it involves the president personally, how much Cheryakov contributed to the third Chechen war is still a mystery. Only one thing is certain, it was this war that put this young man, who was supposed to work in obscurity in the NSA all his life, onto the political stage and became a high-profile political star. And even more, the experience of Cheryakov. It is easy to think of Russia's Zhongxing Father, the former president of Pulai, who led Russia to revival at the beginning of this century

It is precisely in this way that after the Third Chechen War, Cheryakov's career can be described as a smooth career.

Four, at the age of death, Cheryakov became the deputy head of the Russian National Security Service, and concurrently served as the special security adviser to the Russian president that year. Three years later, Cheryakov traveled to India as a special presidential envoy. A secret agreement was reached with India, which had just experienced the conflict in southern Tibet and was actively expanding its armaments. It has not only helped India repair a large number of Russian-made weapons and equipment, but also saved hundreds of Russian companies that were on the verge of bankruptcy, and improved Russian-Indian relations. After the end of the war in India, Cheryakov participated in the comprehensive nuclear disarmament negotiations as the main representative of the Russian negotiating team, and actively advocated a tough stance to defend national interests, winning the trust and support of the Russian high-level and the military and civilians. After the signing of the Treaty of London, Cheryakov, who was already in his old age, returned to Moscow, first as an assistant to the Minister of Defense, and then in the next six months, he was promoted three times in a row. At the end of that year, after the resignation of the Minister of Defense due to illness, Chelyakov, who had not done much in the Ministry of Defense before, crossed many competitors, and was given a different body clam by President Qinjian Shushu and a notch. Cheryakov not only served as Minister of Defense again, but also entered the top echelons of the Russian Federation as Minister of Defense. This year, he was only a few years old, and he was the youngest of the high-ranking members of the Russian Federation. By this time, Cheryakov's leadership in Russian politics was confirmed, and it became a matter of time before he became president of Russia. In 2 years, Charyakov became the prime minister of the new government, and gradually transitioned from a military leader to an all-round leader.

Four years later, that year, with the full support of the Russian Revival Party, Russia's largest party and the only ruling party since independence, Cheryakov was elected with little challenge. Became the first and first president of Russia.

Strictly speaking, being elected president can only be regarded as a new addition to Cheryakov's political career.

Although in the eyes of many people, due to the influence of the previous president and various legacy problems, Cheryakov's performance in the first term was not outstanding, and his policies were mainly conservative, which was contrary to the strong desire of voters for reform, and was even strongly questioned by Russian public opinion for a time. It is for this reason that in the general elections of previous years, Cheryakov not only promised to push for domestic reforms, but also fought a military coup in Kazakhstan before the elections began, and convinced voters that he was not only a reform-minded president, but also a hard-line president.

Sending troops to Kazakhstan not only made Cheryakov successful, but also pushed Russia to the brink of destruction.

According to later declassified information, at the beginning of the calendar year, that is, a week before the outbreak of the military coup in Kazakhstan, Cheryakov left Moscow and secretly went to the strategic command center of the Russian army in the Ural Mountains to stay in the Kremlin It was his stand-in, and hours before the military coup broke out, Cheryakov signed a top-secret order, that is, in the case of the republic's military intervention and the war with the Russian army, the Russian army can preempt the strategic strike. Affected by this order, when the military coup broke out, the Russian strategic forces had already entered a state of combat readiness, hundreds of ballistic missiles could be launched at any time, dozens of strategic bombers were on standby, and several strategic nuclear submarines were on standby in the Barents Sea. All in all, there is a great deal of imminent world war. Perhaps it is precisely because of this. At the moment of crisis, the leadership of the republic responded calmly and did not take a single important step, delaying the war for several years.

There is no doubt that Cheryakov is the biggest beneficiary of this open and secret struggle.

The problem is, the president who was born as a soldier. It is impossible for Cheryakov not to know that his reckless actions have pushed Russia against the republic, and the fact that the republic has not sent troops to Kazakhstan over the years does not mean that the republic will not take Russia in the future. Because before the war in India, Cheryakov had visited Beijing many times as a special envoy, and even lived in Beijing for a period of time, so he knew something about Oriental culture and knew the "way of forbearance". In his opinion, the more forbearance the authorities of the republic, the stronger the resentment towards Russia. Japan and India are lessons for Russia, and the day when the Republic is determined to take revenge is the day of Russia's national disaster.

Affected by this, after being re-elected, Cheryakov began to spare no effort to strengthen his armaments.

In fact, before that, Cheryakov was already working on this.

If you look back, Russia's secret alliance with the United States is also the credit of Cheryakov. While this is difficult to understand, because in the eyes of most people, a politician who fights the US military on the battlefield in Iran, fights the US intelligence agencies in Chechnya, and is intrigued with the US in disarmament negotiations cannot consider the US as an ally, but let's not forget that in the eyes of a politician. There are no eternal enemies, and there are no eternal friends. As deputy head of the Security Service, Cheryakov advocated rapprochement with the United States and the use of American power to consolidate Russia's position on the Eurasian continent against the expanding republics.

It can be said that Cheryakov was able to rise to prominence. The fact that he has been reused by several presidents is not unrelated to his view.

Although the Iran war brought Sino-Russian friendly relations to a peak, some people at the time even believed that in order to counter the United States, the two neighboring powers secretly formed an alliance. But as the saying goes, prosperity must decline, and after the peak, there is a downhill road. Essentially. The republics and Russia were able to live amicably for only one reason: "that is, in the face of a common threat." To be precise, before the Iranian war, in the face of US hegemony, both the republic and Russia could not protect themselves, and only by actively cooperating could they gain a place. After the Iran War, the decline of American hegemony and the prosperity of the republic, coupled with the effects of the global Great Depression, the friendly relations between the republic and Russia naturally came to an end.

Objectively speaking, it is not Russia that is plotting change, but the republic.

Although before the Kazakhstan incident, the republic did not directly provoke Russia, and even had scruples on some issues related to the fundamental interests of the two countries, such as the fact that the republic did not annex Mongolia until Pei Chengyi came to power, but out of the needs of its own interests, the republic was not so polite on some issues related to Russia. The most representative, of course, are the three wars against India. You must know that in Russia's global strategy, India is definitely not a dispensable and insignificant pawn, but one of the friendly countries that Russia attaches the most importance to, and its status is even above that of the republic. Arguably. In the republic it is necessary to solve the problem of the population of seven with the help of India... Under the premise of the problem, relations with Russia, especially at the basic level, will certainly not be much better. One could even say. If it weren't for the fact that after the year of power occupation, the gap between the national power and the republic would have become increasingly wide. I'm afraid Russia has already done it.

The problem is that before the Year of Liwu, there were not many Russians who could accurately recognize this.

Anyway, before the war in India. Sino-Russian relations are still dominated by cooperation. What's more, due to the impact of the global Great Depression, Russia will have to rely on the republic, or rather, the republic's huge domestic market, otherwise Russia's economy will be destroyed.

It was in this way that after the war in India, Cheryakov entered the high-level decision-making circle of Russia.

It can be seen from this that Cheryakov is not a natural pro-American, or even a genuine pro-American, but he is definitely an out-and-out "Great Russian" in his eyes. Russia's interests are above all else, and anything can be done for this.

Although Cheryakov was definitely persona non grata to the Republic, from another point of view, he was much cuter than the pro-Americans who advocated a tilt towards the United States. One way or another, Cheryakov will not die for the United States. Even more will not betray Russia for the sake of the interests of the United States. To put it more bluntly, if it is not beneficial to Russia, he will certainly not honor the secret alliance treaty.

The problem is that in Russia, politicians like Cheryakov are already very rare.

Not to mention the new generation of politicians who emerged after the Third Chechen War, many politicians of Cheryakov's contemporaries advocated completely defecting to the United States and no longer adhering to the basic strategy of independence and self-determination. These politicians believe that in the short term, it will be difficult for Russia to have the conditions to compete for global hegemony with the two major powers, and its international influence will not even be comparable to that of the European Union; If Russia wants to rise, in addition to actively developing and growing, it must also make full use of the favorable situation of the two powers competing for hegemony and seize every opportunity to promote great changes in the world situation; Only after the defeat of the Republic and the United States and the reshuffling of the global situation will Russia have the right to become the number one power in the world; Because Russia shares a border with the republic, coupled with historical grievances, helping the republic to replace the United States will not bring Russia any good, but will put Russia in a desperate situation. It is in Russia's best interest to assist the United States in defeating the republics and to inflict a major injury on the United States.

Leaving aside the correctness of this view, at least in Cheryakov's view, it is tantamount to putting Russia on the cusp.

Affected by this, from the beginning of the 2nd century, that is, after sending troops to Kazakhstan, the Russian authorities have been arguing endlessly over whether to take the initiative to turn against the republic.

The "pragmatists" with Cheryakov as the one thinks. In an era of great change, Russia should retreat to the second line and hold on to its achievements, rather than being a bird. Still less should we take the initiative to provoke the hegemony of the republic. Only after the United States went to war with the republic. Only then can Russia stand by and enter the war in the most favorable circumstances. The "idealists" led by Vice President Djodnovich believe that without the support of Russia, the United States cannot defeat the republic, and the defeat of the United States is equivalent to the defeat of Russia. Therefore, for the sake of Russia's future, it is necessary to be more active and take the initiative to meet the challenges.

In the past, this controversy might have continued throughout Cheryakov's entire career in power.

The problem is that the situation of a major war is already very obvious. In the absence of dominance. Whether it's Charyakov or Chodnovich. I don't know how much time there is left for the Russian authorities to make a decision, so in this year or so. Both are actively taking action, hoping that their ideas will be supported.

One way or another, these two of Russia's most influential bigwigs are working for the good of the country.

It's just that outside of the two, things are not so simple. It stands to reason. Russian generals should strongly support a president who is a soldier. Russian government officials were supposed to support the civilian vice-president, but the reality was the opposite, and Chodnovich, who was in charge of the war, was supported by the military. And Charyakov, who was the lord and peace, was supported by officials. In the final analysis, this is also the result of profit. It's just among the many high-ranking officials. Prime Minister Ilyushchenko's attitude is the most ambiguous and the most important. In the context of a stalemate between the two sides, Ilyushchenko's attitude appears crucial. It is a great pity that in the structure of the political framework of Russia. Prime ministers are often wall-riding politicians, or administrators, who do not have a clear political agenda. Ilyushchenko is no exception, and he has not made a statement in the battle for Chicho.

Affected by this, for more than a year, Russia has been preparing for war in addition to preparing for war, but it has not clearly understood the purpose of preparing for war.

It was not until mid-July of the year of the republic, with the dust settled on the general elections of the state and the central government of the republic, that Cheryakov and Djodnovich reached a consensus that in any case, the basic strategy must be set as soon as possible, and no time should be wasted on the choice of the general direction

It can be said that the general election of the republic forced the Russian authorities to make a decisive decision.

The problem is that such a major strategic decision is definitely not a one-shot deal, and even if it has been debated for more than a year, the two major interest groups will still have a final battle before the sound is lost.

This meeting took place from the night of August 6 to the early morning of August 7. The internal struggle at the top of the Russian Federation was pushed to the peak. The book is a good place to read