Yu said that if you don't know firewood, rice and oil, you will be the Minister of Defense! Only then did the old office know why the Ministry of Defense was incompatible with the General Staff. 【Reading.com】

As the applicant and manager of the defense budget, and as the authority to transfer and appoint personnel in the armed forces, it stands to reason that the authority of the Ministry of Defense is far greater than that of the General Staff. More importantly, the general policy of the third military reform is to lower the General Staff while raising the Ministry of Defense. If everything comes according to the third military reform. The General Staff will be a "dual commission" body, that is, it will be under the leadership of the Ministry of Defense in peacetime and assist the State Yuan in commanding operations in wartime. In order to ensure the military leadership of the armed forces, the Minister of National Defense will be promoted, and the State Council will also serve as Deputy Prime Minister for National Security Affairs, and there will be only four Prime Ministers, namely, the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister, who is responsible for day-to-day work, and the Deputy Prime Minister, who is responsible for foreign affairs, economy, and security, and will report directly to Yuanbei.

The problem is that the third military reform has not been fully implemented.

In the final analysis, the problem lies in the political and military system of the republic.

After Gu Weimin came to power, it was not that he did not want to promote the third military reform, after all, Shuai Yongkang was the Minister of Defense whom he promoted, and controlling the army through the Ministry of Defense was definitely much better than controlling the army through the General Staff controlled by Lin Xiaolei. The problem is that there is almost no support for the push for a third military reform. Lin Xiaolei naturally doesn't need to say more, as the chief of the General Staff, he has no reason to hand over power to the Ministry of Defense. Yan Jingyu neither supported Gu Weimin nor Lin Xiaolei, but wanted to take advantage of the opportunity of the two to fight for money. Yan Shanglong's attitude was very ambiguous, after all, the vice premier in charge of national security work before this was arranged by him, not by Gu Weimin. Ye Zhisheng's attitude is also very ambiguous, and he will not easily express his position before Gu Weimin and Yan Jingyu are separated.

All in all, by the time Pei Chengyi entered the Ministry of Defense, what was in front of him was a mess.

In the words of Dongfang Wen, who followed him to the Ministry of Defense and was appointed assistant to the defense minister, before Pei Chengyi, the Ministry of Defense was only a symbolic administrative body. Although nominally, the Ministry of Defense holds the power of the republic's military budget and the interests of the military, in reality, the power of the Ministry of Defense is very limited, and many government decrees cannot pass the level of the General Staff, so they do not want to go down to the grassroots troops.

From this, it follows that the fundamental problem lies in the relationship between the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff.

In the Republic, the Ministry of Defence and the General Staff are two parallel military and political bodies, with the Ministry of Defence being an administrative body and the General Staff being a military command body. In other countries, especially in the country, the General Staff is basically a military command organ under the Ministry of Defense, and the two are subordinate rather than parallel. The solution to the problem is also here, that is, to change the relationship between the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff, so that the General Staff becomes a military command body under the Ministry of Defense.

There is no doubt that this is not something that Pei Chengyi can do.

Judging from the situation from the year of Likou to the year of insects. It is impossible for Pei Chengyi to make the General Staff a military command organ under the Ministry of National Defense, because it is impossible for Gu Weimin to let Pei Chengyi, who has a close relationship with Yan Jingyu, interfere in the military command, let alone tear up the quasi-alliance relationship with Lin Xiaolei. During this year, Pei Chengyi only did one thing, that is, to sort out the relationship between the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff, and to take back the power that belonged to the Ministry of Defense.

It can be seen that Pei Chengyi does have good political talent.

You must know that the Ministry of Defense has been "sluggish" because many things have not been done in accordance with the rules, and the powers that originally belonged to the Ministry of Defense have fallen into the hands of the General Staff, resulting in the relationship between the two major organs being reversed, and the Ministry of Defense has instead become an "accounting firm" under the General Staff that is specifically responsible for managing the national defense budget. As long as the powers belonging to the Ministry of Defense are returned to the Ministry of Defense in accordance with the rules, then the Ministry of Defense will be able to stand above the General Staff and become a real military management body.

It's easier said than done.

Not to mention the personnel appointment and transfer rights that are closely related to all soldiers, it took Pei Chengyi a full 3 years for military expenditure and management alone to let Lin Xiaolei let go.

From the 24th fiscal year to the second fiscal year. Focusing on the two issues of defense budget and military spending, the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff have engaged in three thrilling "Armageddons" and dozens of struggles for power. In the words of the outside world, these three years are a time of change between the old and the new. The new address of this site has been changed to: Chat about the fetal o muscle shake Shan, please read in vain!

Because he had only only come to power, he did not know much about the situation, and his relationship with other ministries and commissions of the State Council was not smooth, so in the first year of his tenure as defense minister, Pei Chengyi did not ask to obtain the right to control the national defense budget, but when he declared the national defense budget to the plenary congress, he reached a "gentleman's agreement" with Lin Xiaolei. "The Ministry of Defense does not interfere in the methods of budget allocation of the General Staff, but it is necessary to know where every penny goes. Subsequently, Pei Chengyi asked Dongfang Wen to hire an independent accounting firm to be responsible for the audit of national defense funds.

It seems that Pei Chengyi has made a big concession.

In fact, Bae Seung-yi has already taken this opportunity to lay the groundwork for regaining control of the defense budget.

During the fiscal year, the Department of Defense began to play a role in the defense budget phase. According to rumors from the outside world, when formulating the national defense budget plan for the fiscal year, Pei Chengyi went to the General Staff Headquarters with the audit report on the use of national defense funds by an independent accounting firm. It only took a few minutes for Lin Xiaolei to make concessions and agree that the Ministry of National Defense would be responsible for the examination and approval of the national defense budget, and that the Ministry of National Defense would exercise the right to supervise the expenditure.

Although the Ministry of Defense did not disclose the audit report, the General Staff did not disclose any information, the accounting firm in charge of auditing closed its doors after this incident, and several accountants involved in the audit work changed their names and left the public eye, but there is enough reason to believe that this audit report has definitely hit the dead end of the General Staff. There is even an extremely serious problem of corruption**.

In fact. This is the greatest value of making Bae Chengyi the Minister of Defense. The new address of this site has been changed to: Talk about the fetal o muscle see Shan, please read it in white!

Before Pei Chengyi, Shuai Yongkang also knew that there was a serious problem of corruption in defense budget spending. But as a civilian official who does not know much about the situation in the General Staff, even if he knows that there is a problem. There is no way to find out the problem, let alone make the chief of the General Staff bow his head. What's more, officials who are proficient in administration are too sophisticated and tactful to get to the bottom of things. Although in this catty, the problem. Pei Chengyi also showed a sophisticated and tactful side, and did not investigate the issue of false defense budget expenditures to the end, but he achieved something that civilian officials could not achieve, that is, the chief of the general staff handed over the budget power.

It can be said that this is a pound. A terrific, and crucial victory.

On this basis, the Ministry of Defense gained the strength to challenge the General Staff.

In that year, in his capacity as Minister of National Defense, Pei Chengyi personally cut off the military equipment and technology exhibition project that was of little significance, added additional important projects, and increased the allocation for the old key projects. Because Pei Chengyi worked in the equipment office for several years during the third military reform. Later, he participated in the opening of basic scientific research projects at the Physics Experiment Center, so in terms of military equipment and technology exhibitions, Pei Chengyi has a high voice, and almost no one dares to doubt his authority.

More importantly, Bae Seung-yi did not cut the defense budget because of this.

Because it reduces unnecessary waste, increases the flexibility of spending, and ensures the intensity of investment in important projects, the defense budget report for the fiscal year, which was drafted by Pei Chengyi himself, is more convincing. It has also received strong support from officers and men at all levels in the army.

This year, Pei Chengyi made a comeback.

This. What he wants is not only the power to draw up a national defense budget, but also the right to allocate national defense expenditures and the right to supervise national defense spending. To this end, in the first half of Liying's reign, Pei Chengyi set up two offices under the Ministry of National Defense that were directly responsible to the Minister of National Defense, one responsible for allocating national defense funds, and the other responsible for supervising the pointing out and use of national defense funds. And the heads of these two offices were personally arranged by Pei Chengyi.

In the face of the aggressive offensive of the Minister of Defense, the Chief of the General Staff did not even have the strength to parry.

Although at the annual administrative summary and budget meeting, Lin Xiaolei proposed that the General Staff Headquarters and the Ministry of National Defense jointly set up a budget approval and expenditure committee to strengthen the management of the national defense budget. In other words, Lin Xiaolei turned retreat into advance, hoping to maintain the General Staff's right to speak on the national defense budget, but Pei Chengyi, who had already gained a firm foothold, did not agree to jointly manage the national defense budget, but demanded that the national defense budget be managed by the Ministry of National Defense in accordance with the provisions of the "Administrative Management Law" and the "Measures for the Reform and Management of Government Units." Because Pei Chengyi put forward the appropriate reasons. And there is relevant legal support, so on this issue, not only Lin Xiaolei is not good to say anything. Even Gu Weimin couldn't interject. Coupled with the support provided by Yan Jingyu and Yan Shanglong's belief that things should be done according to the rules, Pei Chengyi's proposition was supported, and it was finally decided that the Ministry of National Defense would be solely responsible for the approval and expenditure of the national defense budget.

If everything ends here, Pei Chengyi will not be Pei Chengyi.

After seizing the power of the national defense budget, Pei Chengyi did a very important thing, that is, to use military personnel allowances and welfare expenses to inquire about the personnel power of the army.

Comparatively speaking, personnel rights are more important than budgetary rights.

Arguably. Since the time of Peng Maobang, the General Staff has been able to become the "first center" of the republican ** team because it has the personnel power of the army. At that time, Peng Maobang was able to influence the major decisions of the Republic as the chief of the general staff, and arranged for Xiang Linghui to take the position during the administration of Zhao Rundong, in addition to Peng Maobang's huge appeal in the army. There is a close relationship with many of the privileges of the General Staff. By the time of Xiang Linghui, the privileges of the General Staff were not only not weakened, but also strengthened by the alliance with Wang Yuanqing. It can be said that Xiang Linghui's historical position in the General Staff is very similar to Li Cunxun's historical position in the Military Intelligence Bureau. Just as Liu Xiaobin could not hold up the entire sky of the Military Intelligence Bureau, Lin Xiaolei could not continue to write the glory of the General Staff after becoming the chief of the General Staff.

With the Ministry of Defense "firing" at the General Staff in personnel power. "Pei Chengyi's intention to seize power is already very clear.

Arguably. This was the most tragic struggle between the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff in the history of the Republic.

In the absence of an imminent external threat, Pei Chengyi mentioned that the personnel establishment of the republican army is too bloated, especially the number of high-ranking generals is far greater than the actual need, and in the absence of an urgent external threat, the size of the army should be appropriately reduced, and the number of generals should be reduced, so as to save tens of billions of national defense expenditures for the citizens of the republic who pay taxes, or spend these funds on more important areas.

It's just a plan, it's a personal report. This multi-page report immediately caused a brazen uproar among the republican ** team, and even ordinary people were affected.

As the contents of the report were gradually made public, the people of the republic breathed a sigh of relief.

The young and vigorous defense minister has to deal with high-ranking generals not with middle- and lower-level officers. Obviously, the high-ranking generals had nothing to do directly with the people of the republic. The new address of this site has been changed to summer: Chat about the fetus o Woki Gongshan, please read in vain!

According to the report submitted by Pei Chengyi, at the beginning of the year, the total strength of the republican ** force was 10,000 thugs, including 70,000 in the Army, Nuwan in the Navy, Feiwan in the Air Force, 10,000 in the Celestial Army, 10,000 in the Marine Corps, and 70,000 in the former Cyber Corps. In terms of military strength, the Republic ranks seventh in the world in terms of regular military strength, ahead of India, Turkey, Nigeria, Indonesia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the United States, and Russia and Ethiopia are the countries with more than 40,000 troops after the Republic. Among the countries with more than 10,000 troops in the world, in addition to Wangguojin and Ethiopia in the civil war, as well as Turkey, Nigeria and Indonesia in the face of powerful foreign threats, the proportion of generals in the republican ** team ranks first, more than four thousandths, that is, there are generals in every strong soldier, and the whole army has a military manager above the brigadier general. In the U.S. military, the ratio is only 1 in 1,000, in the Russian army it is about 1.5 per 1,000, and in the Indian army it is only 2 per 1,000. Although the proportion of generals in the republican ** team is high, there is a historical willingness, after all, the republican ** team has experienced the most wars, and the generals who have been promoted because of their merits have about mutual merits, after getting rid of this part of the generals. In fact, the proportion of generals and officials is less than 2 per 1,000, which is at a relatively reasonable level. But for any army, having too many generals means that there is little room for other soldiers. This means that the army is lifeless and lacks positive vitality.

It can be said that compared with the allowances and benefits spent on generals every year, other negative effects are more productive.

Pei Chengyi has to do it. It is to cut off the carbuncle on the republican ** team, so that those young soldiers who are lively and energetic can get room to show.

Of course, there has been a lot of resistance to this reform.

In order to promote reform, Pei Chengyi participated in the Peninsula War and the Indian War with more than four thugs, including Qu Maokang, Cai Suikang, Dong Chengfang, and Lai Xinping, in the last four months of the year. The senior generals who had made meritorious contributions had one-on-one exchanges and persuaded them to retire according to the lower age limit of the specified age group, instead of delaying their retirement until the maximum number of years of service.

It was precisely because of the success of convincing these people that the reform campaign was able to continue.

Of course, there must be a buffer period for any reform action, and it cannot be one-size-fits-all from the outset.

Fiscal year. In the national defense budget, Pei Chengyi reduced the expenses earmarked for official allowances and benefits from 100 million yuan in the fiscal year to 100 million yuan, and clearly stipulated that priority should be given to guaranteeing the pensions and pension benefits of retired generals. All in all, because the budget has been cut too much, there is simply not enough to spend, so those generals who still want to stay in the army will have to think about it.

It must be admitted. Pei Chengyi's prestige in the army is not overwhelmed by Lin Xiaolei, so no one dares to fight against him.

By the end of the fiscal year, the expenses for official allowances and benefits will be further reduced to 100 million yuan, and the main part of the reduction will be the benefits of serving generals. Because by the time of that fiscal year, the number of generals in the republican ** team had been reduced from many people to many people fighting each other, and after Pei Chengyi's reduction and profit, the average treatment of the generals in service had not decreased much.

By the time this round of reform was completed, Pei Chengyi had already taken over military power from Lin Xiaolei.

Some people joked that Pei Chengyi completed a "bloodless military coup" during the year. Not only did he correct the name of the Ministry of Defense, but also made him the "first person" of the Republican ** team

Anyway. By the time of the general election, Pei Chengyi's status was already above Lin Xiaolei.

Although in this year's struggle, Pei Chengyi and Lin Xiaolei are very "civilized." "I didn't play a trick, but the thrilling process during the period is probably only clear to Pei Chengyi. In fact, with Pei Chengyi's style of acting, if it were not for too much resistance, he would not have spent years correcting the status of the Ministry of National Defense. You must know that in the wars that Pei Chengyi has commanded, the longest fight is only a month.

Of course, how much contradiction there is between the Ministry of Defense of the Republic and the General Staff, no one will stand up

True.

In a sense, because it is impossible for Lin Xiaolei to be the chief of the general staff after the admiral, what the General Staff will do has little to do with Lin Xiaolei, so when wrestling with Pei Chengyi, Lin Xiaolei is not willing to offend the Minister of National Defense, let alone Yan Jingyu behind Pei Chengyi. It is precisely in this way that after years of struggle, Pei Chengyi was able to become the first person in the republican ** team and become the deputy prime minister in charge of national security affairs after Lin Xiaolei left the General Staff.

Strictly speaking. With Yan Jingyu taking office in the fourth, the test of Pei Chengyi has just begun.