Ge said that Yan Jingjiao was elected after he was elected. The nomination of Pei Chengyi as the vice premier of the State Council in charge of national security affairs can be regarded as a reciprocated favor. You must know that what Pei Chengyi did during his first term as Minister of National Defense, the most important beneficiary is Yan Jingyu.

When he was in the smelting year, Gu Weimin did not support Pei Chengyi. The reason is very simple, Gu Weimin Sanzhi believes that Pei Chengyi is one of the important people left by Wang Yuanqing to support Yan Jingyu. From an after-view perspective, Gu Weimin's concerns are justified and confirmed. Imagine if Pei Chengyi failed to control the Ministry of Defense. In other words, he failed to gain the upper hand in the internal struggle of the army as the Ministry of Defense and suppressed Lin Xiaolei, in the general election of the manic year, Lin Xiaolei's attitude will definitely have a great impact on the election results, whether it is Ye Zhisheng or Shuai Yongkang wins, it will not be Yan Jingyu's turn. It was precisely because Pei Chengyi offset Lin Xiaolei's influence and made some deputies think that Yan Jingyu had controlled the army when they voted, so Yan Jingyu was able to gain the support of more than one ship in the first round of the election, and in the second round of the election, he relied on Yan Shanglong's support to win smoothly.

From this point of view. Pei Chengyi's importance in Yan Jingyu's team is not below Yan Shanglong.

Compared to Yan Shanglong. Pei Chengyi lacks only administrative and diplomatic experience. In any case, before Pei Chengyi became a general, Yan Shanglong worked under Huang Guowei, and when Pei Chengyi was "exiled", Yan Shanglong was already the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic and the Premier of the State Council. Even if everyone thinks that Pei Chengyi has more potential, in the State Council, Pei Chengyi still has to rank behind Yan Shanglong.

In other words, in Yan Jingyu's team, in terms of seniority, Pei Chengyi is only below Yan Shanglong.

As for Jiao Gishan, the executive vice premier of the State Council, because he is too young, and he has not had much outstanding performance in the State Council before. gives the impression that he is still at the stage of Yuan Xi's assistant, so many people think that Jiao Kuishan's position should be under Pei Chengyi. In fact, Pei Chengyi and Jiao Piaoshan have the same place.

What's more, the work of the two is different, there is no meeting point, and there is no direct conflict. What really needs Pei Chengyi's attention is Shuai Yongkang, who was transferred from the executive vice premier of the State Council to the vice premier in charge of the national economic exhibition. Although in the administrative system of the republic, "Deputy Prime Minister" is only an administrative title, which has nothing to do with the rank of official, and is exactly the same as the administrative rank of "Deputy Prime Minister for Security", "Deputy Prime Minister for Economy" or "Deputy Prime Minister for Foreign Affairs". There is no distinction between high and low, but the executive vice premier is in charge of daily work and is responsible for the personnel arrangements of the State Council on behalf of the premier, so he is the second-in-command of the State Council. Among other things, when the prime minister visits a foreign country or sees grassroots inspections, the executive vice premier is in charge of the work of the State Council. It can be seen that Shuai Yongkang was actually demoted by half a level. Here's the problem, if it weren't for the incident in the general election, Yan Jingyu would definitely not nominate Shuai Yongkang as vice premier of the economy. Because the work of the State Council is interlocked, even if Shuai Yongkang's power is not very large, he has the ability to interfere in affairs other than the economy, and he will inevitably influence national defense spending through the Ministry of Finance.

Generally. Yan Jingyu arranged Pei Chengyi to the position of Vice Premier Shi Quan, which must be different.

Same as Yan Jingyu. In the first year of his second term in the State Council, Pei Chengyi did only one thing with his heart, and that was to improve the follow-up work of the third military reform. As we all know, the political reform of the republic is all supported by the army, and without the support of the army, let alone Wang Yuanqing, even Ji Youguo would not be able to carry out political reform. Therefore, when Yan Jingyu was preparing to implement the second round of political reform, Pei Chengyi had to lay the foundation for Yuan and put in place many measures for the third military reform that had been shelved before.

Since it is reform, there are reasons for reform.

Looking back at the previous military reforms, we can see that the important factor in promoting military reform is foreign wars. In other words. When the republican team suffers on the battlefield, it will take the initiative to promote reform. After completing the reforms, the Republican Ash tested the results of the reforms on the battlefield and promoted the next round of reforms based on the new problems exposed in the war. Only by continuing the cycle can we ensure that the military power of the republic is always on the rise.

Pei Chengyi wants to promote reform. There is a natural need to make a difference militarily.

Of course, Pei Chengyi himself definitely does not lack military deeds. The point is that the Republican team has to make a difference during his tenure as Secretary of Defense.

Because the effects of the war in the Middle East have not yet passed, Pei Chengyi has made the most of the turbulent situation in the Middle East.

In the old month, Pei Chengyi visited Arab countries again. In addition to promoting the construction of the core of the Arab League with Syria and Iraq as the core, another purpose is to promote the "peacekeeping military operation" of the Republican ** team in the Kurdistan region

Under a bilateral agreement signed between the Republic and the Turkish authorities in the year of Lishi, the Republic received a return for opening the occupied territories to the Kurds after August 3, the year after the end of the large-scale combat operations in the Middle East war, in exchange for the revocation of the global decree against the Turkish state leader and the unfreezing of about a certain amount of Turkish financial assets in China.

From August 4 of the year of the year. Kurds in the surrounding areas began to migrate to the occupied territories.

This is the republic's support for the Kurdish country's Jianshu is not the same as Wen Shan's body clam", saying that reading is good to go to foreign power, and it is an important step to rejoice. What's more, this is definitely the biggest "unstable factor" in the district

In the last month of the year alone, the Kurdistan region, that is, the occupied territories, was marked by violent thugs against the Kurds and violent against the Turks. Although these violent incidents have nothing to do with the government, and are basically violent actions carried out by the people in the occupied areas, especially the people who have been damaged by the violent and relocation issues, for the republican ** team in charge of law and order in the occupied areas, this is not only not a good thing, but will also cause great casualties and property losses. In just this month, the Republican **, who was named in charge of law and order, was killed in the violent attack, and the authorities of the Republic paid about $1 million in compensation for medical expenses and property damage to the victims of the violence.

When there are violent attacks, there are naturally crackdowns against violent attacks.

The scope of violent attacks has been extended to the entire occupied territory and is no longer the self-action of the local population whose interests have been harmed and threatened.

According to the authorities of the republic, two bombings in Osmaniye and Diyarbakir were linked to ultranationalist groups in Turkey. It was even related to the Turkish National Army, since the explosives used by the attackers in the two explosions came from the Turkish National Army. The Republic did not blame the Turkish government for the fact that large quantities of ammunition were scattered among the civilian population during the Middle East war, especially when the Turkish National Army was retreating, and a lot of military supplies were distributed to the local population. The problem is that someone has to be held accountable for these terrorist attacks, which have resulted in hundreds of innocent civilian casualties.

When this news was revealed. The authorities of the Republic have declared that they will at all costs crack down on terrorists and terrorist organizations that create unrest and terrorist attacks in the region. Just a few days later, the commander of the South Asian Theater of Operations, Ling Yunxiao, announced in the port of Gwadar that a military separation zone would be erected on the edge of the occupied zone and that a lethal blow would be inflicted on any armed personnel who entered the zone. At the beginning of February, with the completion of the division of the military separation zone, the republican ** team began to carry out military strikes against the armed personnel who entered the isolation zone. By the end of the month, the Republican ** team intercepted and attacked the armed detachment in a military separation zone that was 1,000 kilometers long and 1,000 meters wide, killing more than one armed man and seizing all kinds of weapons, equipment, ammunition and materials. Among them was almost 2 tons of high-energy explosives.

Although since then, the strike force of the Republican ** team in the isolation zone has become stronger and stronger, and even dispatched large unmanned reconnaissance aircraft and long-range artillery to carry out artillery strikes on the armed personnel entering the isolation zone. But the military blockade is so long that it is almost impossible to maintain a strong blockade day and night on the kilometer-long barrier. What's more, the military blockade could not stop the frenzied Turks from evading the blow by digging the way. By June of the year, there had been a surge in violent attacks in the occupied territories, particularly terrorist attacks against the Kurds. On June alone, seven bombings against Kurds killed innocent civilians and injured countless others. In response to this situation, the Republican ** team launched a wider range of crackdowns. And accelerated the degree of the armed forces of the Pekkurds.

In accordance with the armistice. Years ago in cat beaters. That is, until the Kurds hold a referendum to decide whether or not to establish an independent state, the republic may not arm the Kurdish military force in the occupied areas, and at most can only establish a police force of no more than 10,000 people according to the needs of maintaining social order in the occupied areas, and the police force must have at least a vague proportion of Turks in the occupied areas. Although the armistice agreement did not prohibit the Republic from forming Kurdish armed forces outside the occupied territories. Therefore, as early as the year of the war, the Military Intelligence Agency set up a training camp in northern Iraq specifically for the training of Kurdish armed forces, and trained Kurdish military personnel with extremely high military literacy at a rate of about one year per year. But before August 3 of the island year. The Republic cannot establish a military force in the occupied territories, and therefore can only make a fuss about the police force.

Pei Chengyi's visit to Baghdad and Damascus in the past month was to hope that Iraq and Syria would help on this issue. To put it more bluntly, the Republic intends to establish a special police force in the occupied territories to deal with terrorist organizations, which has not yet been financed and trained. Of course, the main counter-terrorist force is definitely not the immature Kurdish armed police forces, but the special forces of the republic.

In addition to funding and bases, Pei Chengyi needs to obtain relevant information about the two countries. More importantly, if the issue of counter-terrorism can be used to bring Iraq and Syria together, it can also help with future withdrawals from the occupied territories.

Exactly, starting from the end of the tide. The Republican ** team launched a series of military operations in the Ranling district.

In these military operations, the problems of the republican ** team were exposed, and Pei Chengyi was given a reason to promote military reform. The new address of this site has been changed to: Chat about the fetal o muscle shake Shan, please read in vain!

In June of the same year, when formulating the national defense budget for the fiscal year, Pei Chengyi proposed a reform plan for the General Staff, that is, to make the General Staff officially subordinate to the Ministry of National Defense and become a direct... The Chiefs of Staff Committee was established on the basis of the General Staff and the various branches of the armed forces, and the main duty of the Committee was to be responsible for the military development and military operations of the Republic. Of course, the chief of the General Staff will be the chairman of the committee.

Needless to say, this reform is very bold and radical.

In a sense, Yan Jingyu is unlikely to approve such a reform plan. Anyway. As a non-military countryman, Yan Jingyu is most afraid of military dictatorship. As early as many years ago, Ji Youguo used the mutual struggle between the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff to control the army. And Wang Yuanqing and Gu Weimin are using the same means. Regardless of whether Pei Chengyi has authoritarian ambitions or not. Yan Jingyu has to guard against it.

The problem is that Yan Jingyu is not an iron-fisted politician like Wang Yuanqing, at least not when he was stunned.

What's more, this year, the Republican Party won the general election again, winning the presidency for the third time in a row.

That is, the United States will definitely do something in foreign expansion, putting pressure on the republic. and even threaten.

Under such circumstances, whether Yan Jingyu is willing or not, he must support Pei Chengyi in military reform, that is, for the sake of the fundamental interests of the republic.

From another point of view, Pei Chengyi's reform plan proposed in the middle of the year is also related to the US election.

Although in June of the year of the sword, the US election had not yet begun, and no one could guarantee that the Republican Party would win, the key was not here, that is, whether the Republican Party won or the Democratic New Party, which had a high voice, the Republic had to speed up the pace of military reform. The reason is simple, Mrs. Loeblin of the Democratic New Party is the secretary of state in the former Republican administration. And Petraeus is a former American general.

Of course, in Yan Jingyu's position, it is impossible to approve all of Pei Chengyi's reform plans at once.

At the end of the year, after the dust of the U.S. election settled. Yan Jingyu approved the reform plan for the establishment of a "Chiefs of Staff Committee" in the Ministry of National Defense and personally participated in the relevant work. According to the detailed reform plan drawn up by Pei Chengyi, the Committee of Chiefs of Staff "has a total of seven members, namely, the Chief of Staff of the Army, the Chief of Staff of the Navy, the Chief of Staff of the Air Force, the Chief of Staff of the Space Forces, the Chief of Staff of the Marine Corps, the Chief of Staff of the Electronic Corps, and an administrative officer at the level of Chief of Staff arranged by the Minister of National Defense." "Committee of Chiefs of Staff. The main responsibility is to be responsible for the management and development of the armed forces, and to recommend suitable front-line commanders to the Minister of State and the Minister of Defence in major military operations. And provide reference opinions on major personnel arrangements. "Committee of Chiefs of Staff. The post of Chairman is concurrently held by the Chief of the General Staff. Because the Chief of the General Staff has already begun to "rotate", so is the Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff. The difference is that the chiefs of staff of the two independent arms also have the opportunity to serve as chairmen, and the rotation cycle is not the old year, but two years. It can be seen from the words that the "Chiefs of Staff" is actually used to replace the chief of the General Staff, and to a large extent shares the role of the General Staff in the republican forces. As long as the reform persists. It will not be long before the General Staff will become a full-time military command organ under the Council of Chiefs of Staff, that is, one of the many organs under the Ministry of Defense, and will no longer be an organ of state power on an equal footing with the Ministry of Defense.

There is no doubt that this reform is absolutely the most important link in the final work of the third military reform.

Although Yan Jingyu did not approve another reform measure. That is, the General Staff will be placed under the Ministry of National Defense and directly led by the Minister of Defense, but Pei Chengyi's reform purpose has been achieved, and according to outside speculation, at the latest, in the Xiannian year, that is, at the time of the next general election, regardless of whether Yan Jingyu can be re-elected, Pei Chengyi, or the Minister of Defense who succeeds him, will turn the General Staff into a historic military institution. In fact. As Pei's influence expands, if Yan Jingyu wants to win the next general election, he will have to support Pei Chengyi in military reform. Therefore, some people believe that before a short period of time, Yan Jingyu will compromise with Pei Chengyi and put the General Staff under the Ministry of National Defense.

In the eyes of different people, the military reform of the republic has different meanings.

For example, in the eyes of the citizens of the republic, Pei Chengyi's implementation of military reform is actually consolidating the foundation. In order to prepare for greater political achievements in the future, Yan Jingyu was half-pushed and half-finished in military reform. In addition to maintaining the relationship with Pei Chengyi, he also wants to control Pei Chengyi.

The problem is that, in the eyes of the outside world, the military reform of the republic has a special meaning.

The US authorities believe that the republic's military reform is in preparation for the next war. The reason is simple, Pei Chengyi is already the Minister of Defense. It is impossible to command the ** team as a general of the Republic Army as he did in the past years and the years of the secret thugs. In this way, when the republic needs to face the next large-scale war, if Pei Chengyi wants to play a role in commanding work, he will put the General Staff under the Ministry of National Defense.

As for whether Pei Chengyi is preparing for war, there is no need to say more.

You know, by the time of the concave year, eight years had passed since the Middle East war, and the situation in the Middle East had once again become less calm as many Arab countries reached a consensus on the issue of reunification.

The point is, is it necessary for Pei Chengyi to charge for the country again?