※ Cut for Li Cunxun did not call for a reason. So Pei Chengyi was happy to go home for dinner at night

After a fairly calm evening, early in the morning of June, Pei Chengyi followed the personnel of the Military Intelligence Agency sent by Li Cunxun to the General Staff. In the next few days, Pei Chengyi had been attending various military meetings, and went to the Yuan Mansion to make a report on the evening of the old days.

The situation was more or less what he expected, and the disagreements at the top on the issue of war were very serious.

Although Gu Weimin did not directly raise objections at many meetings, he made his position clear through Ye Zhisheng, Yan Shanglong, and Shuai Yongkang, the online defense minister. That is, the most urgent task of the republic is to do a good job in domestic construction. Digest the fruits of victory in the Indian war, instead of slapping the swollen face and becoming fat, and deplete valuable national power in the Middle East.

Mu Yong doubted that Yan Jingyu's attitude was diametrically opposed to Gu Weimin. According to Yan Jingyu's viewpoint, the main problem of domestic construction is to deepen political reform, a moderate foreign war has a positive effect on political reform, and India's post-war reconstruction work is mainly the responsibility of the civilian forces. The government only needs to do a good job of guidance, and does not need to intervene directly. With the changes in the international situation, the Republic must have a more long-term plan, and a good solution to the Middle East issue will be of great help to the Republic's long-term development, and there will be reasons to make a difference in the Middle East.

What surprised Pei Chengyi a little was. Ye Zhisheng was not completely on Yan Jingyu's side.

In any case, Ye Zhisheng was also promoted by Wang Yuanqing, and he and Yan Jingyu should be in the same boat, and his support for Gu Weimin on such an important issue is no longer just about doing such a simple thing against Yan Jingyu. I wanted to get rid of Wang Yuanqing's influence. In other words, Ye Zhisheng must be dissatisfied with Wang Yuanqing's arrangement. I know that it is impossible to take advantage of the political system arranged by Wang Yuanqing.

What made Pei Chengyi even more puzzled was that Lin Xiaolei's attitude was ambiguous.

On such an important military issue, as chief of the General Staff, Lin Xiaolei should not remain silent. Whether it's for or against. Lin Xiaolei's position should be very clear.

Lin Xiaolei's attitude had a great impact on the meeting a few days ago.

It was like this, until the evening of the old day, Gu Weimin made concessions to Yan Jingyu. The military actions taken by the Republic in the Middle East were tacitly acquiesced. The problem is that Gu Weimin has not fully conceded. According to the final arrangement, Pei Chengyi, as the joint commander, will be directly responsible to Yuanbei, not to the General Staff, and all matters related to troop movements will be communicated to the General Staff through the Military Intelligence Bureau, and the planned war expenditure shall not be more than twice the national defense expenditure of the secret secretary's fiscal year, and military mobilization shall not be carried out on the grounds of war, even the most basic military mobilization. During the discussion, Gu Weimin placed special emphasis on war spending and military mobilization, and only after Yan Jingyu made concessions did he approve the war plan submitted by Pei Chengyi and grant Pei Chengyi military command.

Anyway, in the past few days, Pei Chengyi has a direct understanding of the situation in the central government.

In the final analysis, Gu Weimin does not want to give up power. To be precise, he didn't want Yan Jingyu to interfere in the affairs of the army. Since the first high-level meeting, Yan Jingyu has emphasized the importance of the Middle East war, and has repeatedly hinted that the country's leaders should be responsible for this matter. As the supreme commander of the republican forces. Gu Weimin should have taken on this responsibility, Gu Weimin has worked in the Ministry of Defense for several years, and Yan Jingyu has no experience in military work, so Gu Weimin should be in charge of war command, or at least coordination. The problem is that Gu Weimin is not willing to take this responsibility, nor is he willing to let Yan Jingyu take this responsibility. The reason is very simple, knowing that it is impossible to win, Gu Weimin has no reason to take on this heavy responsibility. More importantly. Yan Jingyu is the country's No. 2 leader. If he is allowed to meddle in military affairs, I am afraid that he will not wait for the end of Gu Weimin's second term. Yan Jingyu will become the second Wang Yuanqing of the Republic. You must know that even during Wang Yuanqing's tenure as vice minister of state, Zhao Rundong only put him in charge of diplomatic work and did not let him come into contact with the army. It is impossible for Gu Weimin not to understand the powerful relationship. It is impossible to let Yan Jingyu meddle in military affairs.

is unwilling to delegate power and is unwilling to take responsibility, and the final result is to benefit Pei Chengyi.

In fact, it's not a good thing.

With great power comes great responsibility. After obtaining the military command given by the Yuan, Pei Chengyi not only had the right to mobilize all the defense forces of the republic, but also the forces of the government according to the needs of the war. In other words, during the Middle East war, Pei Chengyi's power was second only to Gu Weimin. It is precisely like this, if this war is lost, Pei Chengyi will have to bear full responsibility.

Of course, Pei Chengyi had long expected this knot

When it came time to accept the appointment, Pei Chengyi did not hesitate. Anyway, he doesn't have a second option.

In a sense, Lin Xiaolei's refusal to take a stand has a lot to do with Pei Chengyi's situation. Let's be direct. If it is necessary to take a stand, in the case that Gu Weimin and Yan Jingyu have not yet come up with a result, under the influence of Li Cunxun and others, Lin Xiaolei can only support Yan Jingyu, that is, support the taking of war actions. In this way, according to the military command system of the Republic, Lin Xiaolei will become the military decision-maker between Gu Weimin and Pei Chengyi, that is to say, in the end, it is not Pei Chengyi who needs to be responsible, but Lin Xiaolei. As the chief of the General Staff, it is impossible for Lin Xiaolei not to know the mystery behind this war, and it is impossible for him

To put it simply, in the case that Lin Xiaolei wants to build the most powerful naval fleet in the history of the Republic. Pei Chengyi is Yan Jingyu's only hope. In other words, if Yan Jingyu wants to become the head of the country after the cake, he must first win over and support Pei Chengyi, so that Pei Chengyi can make a difference in the army and even in the central government. In a sense, as long as Pei Chengyi is not dragged down, it is very likely that he will become the Minister of Defense in a year, or hold an important position in the General Staff and become Yan Jingyu's most important assistant. On the other hand, if Gu Weimin wants to suppress Yan Jingyu, he must first get rid of the people around him. Li Cunxun doesn't need to think about it, in addition to not having a clear political position, he is sure to retire in a year. When the time comes, Liu Xiaobin, who will take over, will definitely not be able to support the overall situation, and the Military Intelligence Bureau will definitely be in decline. Arguably. Pei Chengyi has become one of the key figures that Gu Weimin must find a way to suppress. It is precisely in this way that Gu Weimin will agree to Li Cunxun's proposal. Let Pei Chengyi be the supreme commander of the joint command, and give Pei Chengyi the highest military command. To put it bluntly, as long as he loses, Pei Chengyi is "undefeated." The myth will be shattered, and his importance will naturally be greatly reduced. When the time comes. Not to mention being the Minister of Defense, whether he can be reused is a question

It can be said that on this issue, Lin Xiaolei's situation is also very embarrassing.

Although suppressing Pei Chengyi is good for him. But in the foreseeable future, Lin Xiaolei will not be worried about an army general like Pei Chengyi, but an air force general like Jia Baoguo. Because according to the rules set by Wang Yuanqing, after 6 years at the latest, Lin Xiaolei will have to hand over the post of chief of general staff to the commander of the Air Force. What's more, no matter what, Pei Chengyi is already a symbol of the republican ** people, a symbol of the power of the republic, and Lin Xiaolei is also a republican ** person, and suppressing Pei Chengyi is equivalent to suppressing the republican ** team. Lin Xiaolei may not be able to get much benefit from it.

I have to admit it. After serving as chief of the General Staff for several years, Lin Xiaolei's political literacy has improved a lot.

Of course, there is a question in this, that is, why did Yan Jingyu push Pei Chengyi to the front.

Because most of the things are arranged through Li Cunxun, and Pei Chengyi has no reason to suspect Li Cunxun, to be more direct, if Li Cunxun plans to deal with Pei Chengyi, there is no need to detour at all. So Pei Chengyi didn't think about this issue before.

These few days of meetings down. Pei Chengyi has been thinking about this for a long time.

Obviously, when Ye Zhisheng has arrived at Gu Weimin, and Yan Shanglong's attitude is unclear, if Yan Jingyu wants to make a difference in the central government, the first thing to do is to promote a talent who is both capable and influential, and can be accepted by the people of the whole country. Mu Yong doubts, Pei Chengyi is definitely the best candidate. Not to mention anything else, as long as Yan Jingyu proposes to let Pei Chengyi be the Minister of Defense. Coupled with Li Cunxun's influence, Gu Weimin definitely has no way to stop it. And Yan Jingyu has to do it. It's just that before that, keep Pei Chengyi's reputation. Don't let him make mistakes on things that don't matter. In other words, Yan Jingyu should resolutely oppose letting Pei Chengyi command the Middle East war, even if there is no way to change Gu Weimin's decision, he should find a way to win more favorable conditions for Pei Chengyi. In fact, Yan Jingyu not only did not object. There is no reason to argue either.

Although Pei Chengyi has reason to believe that Yan Jingyu's attitude has a lot to do with Wang Yuanqing's planning back then, Yan Jingyu has no reason to let the generals who must unite carry the black pot, but after so many things, Pei Chengyi no longer fully trusts anyone. Pei Chengyi didn't realize it. This change was also born in Duchway's body back then. In a sense, when he no longer fully trusts someone, he ceases to be a soldier.

It can be said that this question made Pei Chengyi very uneasy.

It is precisely because of this that at the meeting on the evening of the competition, Pei Chengyi did not express any opinion after introducing the situation. The appointment was not very positive either.

After the meeting, Pei Chengyi went home to pack his luggage and say goodbye to his family by the way.

When he left the house again, he saw Li Cunxun waiting outside the door. Because everything came too fast, they weren't even surprised when they got into the car and saw Yan Jingyu.

"Listen to Lao Li. You're going back to Joint Command tonight, so I'm here to take you to the airport. ”

Thug: "Yuan is too polite, I'll just go by myself, because I don't know Yan Jingyu very well." So Pei Chengyi is not too open.

"There's nothing polite to be like, you're the soldier I admire the most

Hearing this, Pei Chengyi always felt that it was not very pleasant. Of course, this feeling has something to do with the fact that he doesn't know Yan Jingyu very well.

In a sense. Yan Jingyu can be regarded as the biggest dark horse in the political arena of the Republic in the past 30 years. In any case, Wang Yuanqing has worked beside Ji Weiguo for several years, Gu Weimin has worked for the Ministry of National Defense for several years, and Zhao Rundong and Ji Weiguo have worked for the Central Committee for several years. Yan Jingyu had been working in Guangxi before entering the central government. If it weren't for Wang Yuanqing's exile to Guangxi, he would have appeared. I'm afraid he is still the mayor of a city in Guangxi. Compared with Wang Yuanqing. Yan Jingyu's background is weaker and closer to ordinary people. All in all, Yan Jingyu is a very ordinary, but very strange person.

Arguably. This is reflected in the fact that Yan Jingyu is a problem of activities, that is, a problem of the political system of the republic.

Before Yan Jingyu, Gu Weimin, Wang Yuanqing, Zhao Rundong, Ji Youguo and other national leaders had a very prominent reputation. And it has long appeared in front of the public and ridiculed as if it suddenly came out of the ground, which not only makes the people feel strange, but also makes many high-level officials feel strange. To put it seriously, if it weren't for the special relationship with Wang Yuanqing, I'm afraid few people would know who Yan Jingyu was.

Of course, no one denies Yan Jingyu's contributions at the local and central levels.

The problem is that for Pei Chengyi, Yan Jingyu is definitely a relatively unfamiliar leader. Although in the eyes of almost all soldiers, Yan Jingyu is definitely Wang Yuanqing's successor, and he is the leader who is most likely to inherit Wang Yuanqing's mantle, that is, the leader who is most likely to wave the military strength of the republic to the limit. It is precisely because of this that Yan Jingyu still has the support of many grassroots officers and soldiers without the background of joining the army and without making too many contributions, because there is only a leader like Yan Jingyu. Only then can it bring opportunities for many grassroots officers and men to flourish. But Pei Chengyi is not a grassroots officer and soldier, and for him, the space for soaring is already very limited. It can even be said that before the transformation is completed, it is unlikely that Pei Chengyi will achieve greater achievements.

In this way, when facing Yan Jingyu. Pei Chengyi must have reservations, or be wary.

As if seeing Pei Chengyi's thoughts, Yan Jingyu deliberately instructed the driver to drive the car slowly, easing the somewhat embarrassing atmosphere.

"Some time ago, Lao Li mentioned you to me several times." Yan Jingyu sighed and said, "I've wanted to have a good talk with you for a long time. Just like it is now. Face to face, have a good conversation without a third person. It's a shame that we ran into some diplomatic trouble when you came back. As you know, when Prime Minister Yan Shanglong returned home, the Israeli Prime Minister went to Washington and talked with the President of the United States for several hours. Lao Li will talk to you about the specific situation in detail, so I don't have to waste time here. I have come to you today in particular to let you know that this war is not as simple as we imagined, nor as serious as it was discussed at the meeting. ”

Pei Chengyi frowned slightly, as if he didn't understand what Yan Jingyu meant.

There's no denying it. We are facing a challenge that has never been greater. Yan Jingyu smiled and said, "The so-called prosperity must decline, since the fourth Indo-Pakistani war twenty-five years ago, we have been in a state of strategic expansion, and have achieved a series of almost unbelievable victories. In addition to the major breakthroughs we have made in modern technology with room temperature guidance as the core, the role of the previous three national leaders is indispensable. Of course, I don't mean anything else. I would say that it is already a miracle that we have been going smoothly for a few years without encountering setbacks. In the long run. In particular, from the perspective of the challenges and crises that may be encountered in the future, I wrote to the Republic and the Chinese nation. A setback and a lesson are not necessarily bad. Of course, the premise is that the situation must be under our control, and the consequences of failure must be within the limits of what we can bear. ”

Pei Chengyi was startled, and then showed a look of disbelief.

"Actually, it's not just my realization."

"You mean, Yun is..."

Yan Jingyu nodded, stopped Pei Chengyi's words, and said, "Just understand, there's no need to say it." In fact. The sooner you taste the pain of failure. The less it affects us, the more significant it is. Leaving aside the war, a review of the history we have already traveled shows that it is precisely because of the lack of setbacks. We missed a lot of opportunities. For example, after the financial crisis broke out last year, we missed a great opportunity to rise, but because we had no experience in dealing with the crisis, we made some mistakes that we should not have made. Of course, this can't be blamed on Ji Lao, after all, at that time, Ji Lao was just in power. A lot of relationships haven't been sorted out yet. In the global financial tsunami of Likou year, and then the global Great Depression, because we had the experience of dealing with the crisis, we did not miss this opportunity, not only successfully survived the crisis, but also took this opportunity to surpass the United States and become the most powerful country in the world. In a sense. Both economic and military struggles belong to state struggles, and even if the means are different, the fundamentals are still the same. The situation now is the same as it was when we were in the New Year. In the past 30 years, we have not tasted defeat in military struggles. If there is a Great Depression-style war next, can we fail, or can our current experience allow me not to fail? ”

Pei Chengyi let out a sigh and completely understood.

In fact, someone thought of this several years ago, but it was too late to do these things well. Yan Jingyu smiled. Said. "I believe that when you understand this truth. You should know why we're doing these things. I'm starting to talk about it. Don't overcomplicate things, and don't overthink them. I believe that you are not only a good soldier, but also that your talent is not only in commanding war. ”

Pei Chengyi nodded. Didn't say much.

There is no doubt that a leader is a leader and speaks at a much higher level than others. In just a few words, a key point made Pei Chengyi understand and persuaded Pei Chengyi. Not to mention anything else, this alone makes Yan Jingyu much more powerful than Gu Weimin.