Empty talk and white teeth talk about theories, no one believes this.

However, if the policies and systems that accompany the theory can really bring benefits to people, then no matter how shocking the theory is, as long as the theory can be self-consistent, most people will accept this theory.

In the eyes of later generations, the Baath Party's theoretical system was not very advanced and complex, and it was basically very simple content. While Wang Shuhui's own level is limited, the Chinese in this era do not have such a deep level of practice, so Wang Shuhui chooses something that can adapt to the cognitive ability of people in this era.

Generally speaking, the theoretical system of the Baath Party is based on the basic theory of "The Law of the Uniformity of All Ages", which introduces the basic theory of historical materialism, and the "Law of the Unification of All Things", which introduces the basic theory of dialectical materialism, and then combines various basic natural science knowledge, and takes the "Law of Natural Selection" of the basic evolutionary theory as the framework, to deduce the industrialization ideas that industrial production is better than manual production and socialized large-scale production is better than small-scale peasant production, and finally the dialectical relationship between the productive forces and the relations of production is clearly demonstrated. Ultimately, it is necessary to develop the productive forces and eliminate all factors that hinder the development of the productive forces.

The embodiment of this set of theories in the system is, one is to insist on the Baathification Party leading the country, and the other is to uphold the people's democratic system.

As a modern person, even if Wang Shuhui has a relatively clear understanding and knowledge of many theories, in terms of his own ability, he does not have the ability to create a completely new set of theories.

In this case, there is only one thing Wang Shuhui can do, and that is to directly bring the things of later generations to this era to use.

However, as far as his personal ability is concerned, although the theories and ideas of the first 30 years were the theories that he preferred and could well reflect the advanced nature, he and the Baath Party he led could not control this theoretical system.

Of course, he will not really copy and copy the characteristic theoretical system that has changed the color of the country, caused the people to suffer, and created a large group of vested interests and bureaucratic bourgeoisie and comprador bourgeoisie under the banner of elitism.

He stands on the left side and is quite wary of this set of theories. That's why he set up the Ba'ath Party's Rectification Committee and Discipline Inspection Committee to the level of the country's highest-level policy-making body, on a par with the State Audit and Statistics Commission and the State Finance and Planning Commission.

In particular, even in order to enable liberal capitalist relations of production to contribute to the economic vitality of Baath China, which adopted the state capitalist system as a whole, the attitude of the Baath Party towards those patriotic capitalists who were more obedient to the Baath Party's anti-feudal revolution, who had no blood debts and no popular anger, who were able to passively and actively hand over their land, and who actively and passively transformed themselves into national capitalists.

The most typical example is that although the national capitalists, who are mainly engaged in light industrial production and the tertiary industry, are not as terrible and miserable as the feudal landlord class, the object of the anti-feudal revolution, because they were born from this class, the Baath Party still gives them politically a kind of political treatment that can be said to be completely discriminatory.

Even if these national capitalists actively or passively accept the constraints of the Baath Party's Law on the Protection of the Rights and Interests of the People (Workers) and cannot seriously exploit their workers, they will have to compete with powerful state-owned enterprises economically, which is fairer in this regard. They provide the most level playing field and policies for private and state-owned enterprises to compete. Of course, even so, the national capitalists do not want to get the Baath Party's policy preferences. ）。

Politically, if the direct and dependent families of the national capitalists and the national capitalists do not accept the Ba'ath Party's policy of minimizing the family and live in different places on the scale of two families (the children are raised by the state), they and their children will not be able to enjoy the state's educational, medical and welfare policies. They and their children will not be able to gain any political rights in Baath China.

Because of the Baathistist people's democracy system practiced in China, they are treated as the object of dictatorship in the constitution, and there is nothing to say about it.

Of course, the most direct manifestation of this political unfairness is that these national capitalists and their descendants do not have the right to vote and be elected as people's representatives, and second, they cannot take the civil service examination to become civil servants, nor can they enter universities to become soldiers, scientific and technological researchers, and so on.

For the common people, the national capitalists are worthy of envy as rich people. The state also allows ordinary citizens to start their own businesses, run their own enterprises, factories, shops, tertiary industries, and so on. However, while these people can indeed obtain huge economic benefits, their political interests are completely deprived.

In the most simple view of the common people, that is, being a capitalist can indeed earn a lot of money, but because the capitalist does not enjoy any political rights, the common people can still be very calm when facing the rich.

In addition to political restrictions, the Baath Party imposed restrictions on all national capitalists involved in foreign trade. This restriction is not a ban on national capitalists from participating in overseas trade. After all, as early as around 1632, the Yangtze River merchant group (including the Qin merchant group, the Zhijiang merchant group, the Songzi merchant group, the Wuchang merchant group, and the Jinling merchant group) began to fully participate in overseas trade. However, all enterprises of national capital participating in overseas trade must be subject to the financial supervision of the Baath Party and the supervision of the trade unions.

Specifically, all companies involved in overseas trade must accept the Baath Party's policy of "dividing the fat among all horses."

The so-called "four horses divide the fertilizer" means that enterprises involved in overseas trade must accept a part of the loan from the Baath Party commercial bank and transfer part of the company's shares to the public party (usually composed of banks and workers' representatives). The public party will not participate in the operation and management of the enterprise, but the public party will supervise the financial affairs of the enterprise, and at the same time organize trade unions within the enterprise to protect the "people's rights and interests" of workers.

At the same time, the profits obtained by enterprises adopt the distribution principle of "four horses and fertilizer". That is, it is divided into four parts: national income tax (10%), enterprise provident fund (20%), worker welfare fee (20%), and capital bonus. Dividends from the capital side generally account for about 50%, and most of the profits of enterprises go to the state and workers, basically serving the national economy and people's livelihood.

Don't think it's unfair for the Ba'ath Party to intervene in the enterprises of the national capitalists in such a strong way. In fact, state-owned enterprises pay about 30 percent of the state income tax, and state-owned enterprises are subject to the dual supervision of party committees and workers' representative committees. In terms of the distribution of enterprise provident funds and workers' welfare, the proportion of profits distributed by state-owned enterprises is much higher than that of private enterprises. Among them, the expenditure on technological innovation and upgrading of enterprises reaches 30% of the total profit, and the welfare of workers is as high as 40%.

Therefore, if we compare the state, as the distributor of profits of state-owned enterprises, with the national capitalists, the state can only get 30 percent of the profits of state-owned enterprises, while in private enterprises, the capitalists can obtain up to 50 percent of the profits of the enterprises through the "four horses".

In this case, if the capitalist fails in the operation of the enterprise, then the capitalist can only go home and eat himself and go bankrupt. It is impossible for the state to cover for them.

Of course, it is precisely for this reason that it explains why, after the state lifted restrictions on light industry and the tertiary industry and allowed them to invest and set up factories in the vassal states of the Chinese Empire, both state-owned and private enterprises engaged in light industry were busy going to the vassal states of the Chinese Empire in Southeast Asia to invest and set up factories.

After all, even if the minimum wage set by the Chinese Empire for the citizens of the vassal states at the present stage is a great gift to the citizens of the vassal states, compared with the working class who are the masters of the country, they are still very pure, and there are almost no restrictions on the use of super cheap labor.

At the present stage, those Koreans and Japanese who had received about a year of simple discipline and organizational training from the local Chinese Imperial garrison were the favorite employers of the Chinese Empire's state-owned and private enterprises.

By 1638, the enterprises of the Chinese Empire in the vassal states of the South China Sea attracted tens of thousands of Korean and Japanese naturalized citizens to work in the South China Sea region almost every year.

Of course, if it is not easy for the national capitalists under the Ba'ath Party, the life of the big landlords and feudal handicraft workshop owners with a capitalist nature under the rule of the Nanming Perjury is even more difficult.

To a certain extent, the handicraft factories established by the Jiangnan civil bureaucracy, which held all the power of the puppet government of the Southern Ming Dynasty and completely hollowed out Emperor Chongzhen, have the characteristics of bureaucratic capitalism. But it is obvious that their days are far less nourishing than those of the famous "Jiang, Song, Kong, and Chen" families in later generations.

It is true that the feudal bureaucratic capitalist clique in Jiangnan in this era, like "Jiang Song Kong Chen", relied on the monopoly power of the state power to establish a large number of monopoly handicraft factories by means of financial control, exorbitant taxes and miscellaneous taxes, commercial speculation, and inflation. But, on the one hand, they don't have the help of American dads from outside, and on the other hand, they don't have a vast domestic market for them to stir things up. Under the Baath Party's dumping of industrial products and a total blockade of their overseas trade, they soon degenerated into large land-owning landlords and compradors.

What is quite surprising is that what Wang Shuhui did not expect in particular was that the Jiangnan bureaucratic landlord clique, which controlled the power of the Nanming Perjury Office, actually made some remarkable improvements under the tremendous pressure of the Ba'ath Party.

For example, at least in Zhejiang, the Jiangnan bureaucratic landlord clique has revived the state relief system.

Obviously, because of the successive losses of Jiangxi and Guangdong after 1634, the Nanming False Witness Office had learned a clear lesson, that is, it must not continue to ignore the common people who suffered natural disasters. Because as long as there are displaced people and refugees on their territory, then the Baath Party army will appear in the local area like a thunderbolt, first to eliminate the local Nanming armed forces, then to occupy the local land, to relieve and support the local people, and finally to turn the local people into a gang of rebels who follow the Baath Party.

The Gan Party and the Cantonese Party, which were originally able to compete with the Jiangnan bureaucratic landlord clique in the puppet government of the Southern Ming Dynasty, completely lost their foundation in this way.

In fact, from the perspective of lessons learned, this is the reason why the Nanming Perjury Office lost the Hunan region and the Guangxi region. It was only after they lost Jiangxi and Guangdong again that they clearly realized that they had no way to afford to lose their land again, with only two small pieces of land left in Zhejiang and Fujian.

Therefore, neither the Jiangnan bureaucracy, which has re-become a complete landlord comprador again, nor the Zheng Zhilong-Min clique, which has been easily destroyed by the Baath Party Navy and transformed into a complete local warlord, does not dare to allow the common people on their territory to become displaced and disaster victims after a natural disaster.

The method of the Jiangnan bureaucracy is that the big landowners negotiate with each other to produce some grain and mountainous land, and organize the victims and refugees who have been affected by the natural disaster of the Xiaoice River one after another, open up the barren mountains to build terraces, and carry out large-scale cash-for-work relief.

Zheng Zhilong's local warlord clique's method was to adopt the old method of the Song Dynasty and organize the disaster victims and refugees into a box army to engage in fishery production in the coastal areas of Fujian.

Of course, such an approach does not solve any fundamental problems. The last resort of the feudal rulers in both places was to privately approach the Baath Party and send the victims and refugees they had organized to the Baath Party.

In this case, the Baath Party is more willing. To tell the truth, apart from a part of the population of Jiangxi and Guangdong, which were concentrated in the state farms in the Pearl River Delta and the Poyang Lake Plain, most of the population in the two provinces was transferred by the Ba'ath Party to the overseas state farms of the Ba'ath Party in Hokkaido, Jeju, Luzon, Annam, and other regions.

In addition to the mountainous masses in the two places who were absorbed by the Baath Army, most of the people in areas that were not suitable for large-scale agricultural production were reformed and educated by the Baath Party, and were organized into new production and construction corps and sent to the state farms of the Chinese Empire in various vassal states.

To tell the truth, at this time, the Baath Party is really not very willing to do the high-input, low-output, time-consuming, and energy-consuming work of transforming the masses, relocating the masses, training the masses, and arming the masses.

Under such circumstances, it would be much better for the Nanming False Witness Office to organize the affected masses in a more sensible manner, and then honestly hand them over to the Baath Party for relief and help, than for the Baath Party to accept a large number of people in the two areas.

In order to allow enough time for the comprehensive transformation and construction of Jiangxi and Guangdong, the Baath Party even adjusted its strategy for the Nanming False Testimony Office, which had only two small pieces of land left in Zhejiang and Fujian.

Before the Baath Party completes the comprehensive industrialization of Jiangxi and Guangdong, the Nanming False Witness Office will have four or five years of freedom.

After four or five years have passed, and the Baath Party has completed the transformation of Jiangxi and Guangdong, the day of the end of the life of the Nanming Perjury Office will almost come.