The July events in Petersburg were an important turning point in the Russian Revolution of 1917, which led to a fundamental change in the domestic situation in Russia. The events of July had put the Bolsheviks in a very difficult position, and the leaders of the Bolshevik Party were fully aware of the gravity of the reality, and even Ulyanov, who had always firmly believed that victory would come quickly, could not help but feel frustrated and could not figure out what tomorrow would look like, whether it was the restoration of the monarchy or the strengthening of the bourgeoisie, but he did not expect that he would come to power.

This is the paradox of history. In mid-August, the Provisional Government led by Kerensky convened a grand state council in Moscow, hoping to mobilize the forces of the whole society to transform Russia. The Bolsheviks did not attend the meeting because of the events of July, at which Kerensky called for compromise and reconciliation for the sake of Russia, while the new commander-in-chief of the Russian army, General Kornilov, demanded that the government take more drastic measures to restore order in the country. The powerful Cadet Party, which endorsed the military, weakened the basis of Kerensky's government.

On 24 August, General Kornilov transferred the 3rd Cavalry Corps from the front to Petersburg in an attempt to take control of the capital and establish a military dictatorship. General Kornilov called Kerensky and demanded that he surrender full power. Kerensky was tough and immediately declared Kornilov a rebel and relieved him of his duties. Political parties from the Soviets, trade unions and Bolsheviks supported Kerensky's decision to put down the rebellion. The influence of the Bolsheviks in the army was not small. Under their propaganda, the junior officers and soldiers of the 3rd Cavalry Corps refused to carry out the order, and the commander Kremov, unable to control the troops, shot himself. On September 1, Kornilov was arrested at the Russian stronghold in Mogilev, and the rebellion was quelled. On the same day, Kerensky proclaimed the establishment of a democratic republic and appointed himself commander-in-chief of the Russian army.

Kornilov's rebellion destroyed the forces of the right-wing parties in Petersburg, and the right-wing parties, including the Cadets, were demoralized and excluded from politics for their support of the rebellion. Kerensky's new government gave priority to war and the restoration of order. Nothing has been done on key issues such as peace, land, and the Constituent Assembly. This further developed the discontent of the broad masses of peasants, workers and soldiers, and objectively brought great opportunities to the Bolsheviks, who had always claimed to represent the interests of workers, soldiers and peasants.

Lieutenant General Van der Ping, the concrete executor of the Russian strategy, had been following the development of the situation in Russia, and in his secret report to Long Qian in early September, he frankly admitted that the victory of the Bolsheviks was unstoppable, "ordinary soldiers. In particular, the troops stationed in Petersburg were afraid to go to the front. Who calls for peace. Whoever they support. The parties that shouted all day in the conference room could not afford the rifles of a platoon of armed soldiers, and Kerensky simply did not see that. This person has no roots in the Russian army and is an incompetent politician...... Unless our troops occupy Petersburg. There is no possibility of reversal of the situation. It seems to me that the coming to power of the Bolsheviks and Russia's withdrawal from the war are a foregone conclusion. I can conclude that in a very short time the Bolsheviks will launch an insurrection against Kerensky, which they will easily succeed with the support of the soldiers. The mission of the liaison office was almost completed, and it was useless for me to remain in Petersburg, so I built and abolished the liaison office, and merged its personnel into the headquarters of the expeditionary force. The next step would be to turn the focus to the military, and I find it hard to imagine how the Bolsheviks would end the war, but they would certainly have done so, otherwise they would have been knocked out of power as well. ”

After making a prediction, Van de Ping spoke specifically about his fear of propaganda and public opinion, "The facts of the Russian Revolution have taught me that in some cases, propaganda is more powerful than the barrel of a gun. Especially when the mentality of the people is accurately grasped. I have neglected propaganda in the past, and the failure of the work in Petersburg has taught me a profound lesson. After the people were mobilized, the political and military forces were often kidnapped, and the leaders had to submit to the ignorant people. Everyone longed for peace, but with the exception of the Bolsheviks, the other parties were obsessed with sharing in the fruits of victory. It is inconceivable that the Russians, on the one hand, believed that victory would definitely belong to the Entente after the United States entered the war, but they were unwilling to continue the fight and were ready to squat aside to reap the benefits. When the Bolsheviks shouted the slogan of immediately concluding peace with the belligerents, they would have the support of the army...... And when the slogans of 'divide the land equally' and 'give the factories to the workers' are shouted, the workers and peasants will undoubtedly take their side. Under these circumstances, whether we should adjust the original plan or not is urgently subject to domestic instructions. ”

Domestic instructions soon followed, stating that Depin should immediately cease all clandestine activities in Petersburg, withdraw the personnel concerned, and reduce the number of liaison offices, but the liaison offices should not be abolished. Liaison with the Bolsheviks was to be the responsibility of the embassy in Russia, and the task of the liaison office shifted to the collection of military intelligence in order to accurately grasp the dynamics of the Bolshevik Party and the Russian army.

In fact, the Bolsheviks had already shown their attitude towards the expeditionary force. Trotsky, who had returned to Petersburg and was openly active, was the number two man in the party and had taken over military command, and in an interview with the republished Pravda correspondent spoke of the Chinese Expeditionary Force, which he considered a product of the Tsarist era, that its mission had ended, and that Russia had the strength to stabilize the situation on the front.

Trotsky made clear the attitude of the Party. But what he said was not true, because in September the Russian army suffered another major defeat. In order to gain the support of the United States, Britain, France, and China, after he personally assumed the post of commander-in-chief of the Russian army, Kerensky rashly launched an offensive on the Northwest Front in order to show his attitude in front of the whole world. It is a basic military common sense that there can be no war at the front when the rear is not quiet, and if it is an ordinary tactical action, it is okay, but it must not be raised to a strategic scale. Kerensky had only one reason for taking the initiative to attack on the North-Western Front, to expel the Germans farther from the capital, and his capital was due to the transfer of some troops from the South-Western Front, believing that the offensive forces were available. The offensive was launched on September 13, and the initial progress began to be smooth, the Russian artillery fire was unprecedented, essentially destroying the surface positions of the German army, and the attacking infantry took those positions smoothly, and Petersburg issued a victory call. But the Russians did not know that the Germans on the Eastern Front had accepted Ludendorff's new defensive tactics, and the Germans took the initiative to cede some positions, and the living forces did not suffer losses, but retracted their fists. Immediately afterwards, a powerful German counterattack began, and the Russians were driven out of the captured positions and fled in all directions, completely losing control. In many units, junior officers and soldiers refused to carry out any combat missions, and as soon as the Germans fired their guns, the Russian troops began to retreat disorganizedly. From September 15, the Germans launched a counterattack and advanced 100 kilometers in four days. Petersburg began to negotiate the relocation of the capital to Moscow, and if it had not been for Berlin to stop the attack, Petersburg would not have been able to hold it. The losses of the Russian army in this battle were not large, with more than 9,000 casualties and 18,000 prisoners, but as many as 60,000 who fled back to the rear! The Russian army of 11 divisions is completely incapacitated! Berlin was well informed of the situation in Petersburg, and Ludendorff firmly believed that there was no need to continue to drain its forces, and that this battle would lead to the rise to power of the Brux Party, which would undoubtedly choose to end the war with Germany.

Indeed, the Kerensky offensive sounded the clarion call to end his political life, and the present Russian government, which is considered legitimate (in fact, since the February Revolution, Russia has been in a state of de facto anarchy), has completely lost control of the situation by military defeat. The long-standing debate within the Brucellos d'Azoris over whether to hold an armed uprising in order to seize power came to an end, with Kamenev and Zinoviev, who opposed the armed uprising, finding no excuse to be premature, and Trotsky, who advocated an armed uprising, gained the upper hand. Ulyanov, who had taken refuge in Finland during the July events, sided with Trotsky. On 28 September, the Central Executive Committee of the Party passed a resolution on the holding of an armed uprising in St. Petersburg. Ulyanov is now full of confidence, and when he first returned to St. Petersburg in early April, there was no hope in the situation. It was he who reversed the party's policy and changed from being a legitimate opposition party to seizing power. The events of July made him desperate, but Korninov and Kerensky helped his party purge the opposition and educate the Russian people with facts. At the plenary session at the end of September, Ulyanov said that this time we will not fail, because the people are really on our side.

Chubov attended the meeting as Mr. Joseph's new chief of guard, of course, but he was only an observer and did not have any right to vote. In the Pea Street incident, Chubof gained Joseph's trust, and in the Million Street assassination, it was Chubov who threw the owner to the ground for the first time, although no second person was killed, but Joseph, who accidentally escaped the assassination, still rewarded him at the right time, because Mr. Joseph's former chief guard died for his master because of his resemblance to his master, and Chubov became Mr. Joseph's new chief guard.

After the meeting of the Central Executive Committee of the Party of Buruna, Chubov promptly forwarded the resolution of the meeting that he had heard to his superiors, clearly reporting that the Kronstadian sailors would be the main armed force on which they depended because of the imminent uprising of the B. Braunes. Zhang Xiaoding, who received the secret report, reported Fan Deping as soon as possible, and Fan Deping passed Wang Mingyuan to transmit the news back to China. He anxiously waited for instructions from home, and two days later, the instructions came, wait and see!

That is to say, the country has abandoned the established policy of maintaining the ruling power of the Provisional Government, and at the same time has given up the covert suppression of the Brucellos Cloth Party, and has adopted an attitude of "watching from the wall" that Fan Deping sees as completely irresponsible.

On 5 October, the Brucellos launched an armed uprising in St. Petersburg, in which sailors and armed workers' Red Guards seized the Winter Palace, where Kerensky's government was located.

A new Russian regime was born. With the exception of a very small minority, no one is optimistic about this new regime. (To be continued......)