Akimovich didn't know that his hole cards had been seen clean by Li Xiaofeng, and he didn't know that the middlemen he was going to find again had received a signal from an immortal, and they were already sharpening their knives. Of course, even if he knew the truth, there was no way, and he still had to be slaughtered.

Let's take our eyes off Stockholm for a moment and turn our gaze back to Petrograd, where what happens can be much more interesting than the extortion of some immortal.

On November 26, the Second National Congress of the All-Russian Peasant Soviets was successfully opened in Petrograd with 790 delegates, including 91 Bolshevik deputies (unfortunately, but not a big problem).

On the face of it, the Bolsheviks were an absolute disadvantage in the Soviets of Peasant Deputies, not to mention a majority, with only one-eighth of the seats. According to this proportion, among the newly elected members of the Central Executive Committee of the Second Soviets of Peasant Deputies, the Bolsheviks were not shaved heads, that is, they were bare-knuckle commanders.

However, the final result was a shocking surprise, and the right wing of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, who at first ruthlessly ridiculed and ridiculed the Bolsheviks, planted a big heel. With the support of the left wing of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, the Bolsheviks fought a turnaround in the Soviets of Peasant Deputies, winning 20 of the 108 newly elected Central Executive Committee members (nearly one-fifth).

In the new Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies, the forces of the Bolsheviks and the Left of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party united to more than half in one fell swoop, and the Right Socialist-Revolutionary Party and the Mensheviks, who were counting on the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies, were dealt a blow to the head.

The stick is quite heavy. Because before the closing of this congress. The Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies passed a crucial resolution - the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies would merge with the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies!

As you can imagine. Once the two Soviets had merged, the Bolsheviks and the Left of the Socialist-Revolutionaries would be stronger than ever in the new Soviets. Moreover, the merger of the two Soviets not only stabilized the ruling base of the Bolsheviks, but the most important thing was that the new Soviets after the merger had the possibility of replacing the Constituent Assembly!

This is what the right wing of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks fear the most, because even if they can gain an advantage in the Constituent Assembly, they have the right to choose whether to play with you or not to play with you. Once the Bolsheviks decided to put an end to the Constituent Assembly this game. There's hardly anything they can do.

"We must beware of the Bolshevik conspiracy!" Savinkov said angrily, "It is already clear that the Bolsheviks are ready to do both, and if the Constituent Assembly does not meet their demands, they will immediately start anew, and I personally think we should have planned earlier!" ”

"How do you plan early?" Chernov sneered, "Shall we abandon the Constituent Assembly?" It's ridiculous! Do you know how much effort we have put into the Constituent Assembly, how many comrades are looking forward to it, and if it is just a little speculation, we will abandon our martial arts. Who will support us in the future? ”

As well-known right-wing members of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, Savinkov and Chernov represented two very different attitudes. Savinkov was more radical and always advocated the restoration of order in Russia by force, and only by ousting the Bolsheviks from power by force could Russia be redeemed; Chernov, on the other hand, believed that the use of force had proved completely impossible to succeed, and that the only way to do now was to unite all parties opposed to the Bolsheviks and use the Constituent Assembly to oust the Bolsheviks from power, and that the Bolsheviks would no longer be a problem as long as they succeeded in the Constituent Assembly.

It should be said that there is no fundamental difference between these two views in essence, and that they are both opposed to and hostile to the Bolsheviks, but there is only a difference in the means to be used.

"Naive idea!" Savinkov sneered and pointed out mercilessly: "Attempts to use the Constituent Assembly to force the Bolsheviks into submission, after the leftists in the party have joined the Bolsheviks, have gone completely bankrupt!" ”

He pursed his lips contemptuously and exclaimed in a sarcastic tone: "The defeat of the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies is already a lesson from the past, and if nothing else, the outcome of the Constituent Assembly is no different from that of the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies." What should we do if we put all our hopes on that, and the final outcome is not satisfactory? At that time, it will be too late to think about countermeasures! ”

Chernov, however, dismissed Savinkov as a complete alarmist: "The defeat of the Soviet of Peasants' Deputies was just an accident, and we did not expect at all that the leftists would turn their backs on our party and run to join the Bolsheviks!" If you are caught off guard, they will take advantage of the loophole! ”

Chernov waved his fist and emphasized: "But the Constituent Assembly is completely different, we have long been prepared, and the leftists will no longer be able to trouble us, and with the support of the Mensheviks and the Cadets, we still have an advantage!" ”

Speaking of this, he paused, and then said: "And what you said about preparing in advance is nothing more than accumulating energy to launch an armed coup d'état, and I must say that it is very dangerous to do so at the moment. For more than a month, we have been preaching the importance of the Constituent Assembly, making countless promises, and if we suddenly start an armed rebellion before the Constituent Assembly is convened, is this not a slap in the face? Then the Bolsheviks will have ample excuses to dissolve the Constituent Assembly, or they may arrest our delegates on a large scale under the pretext of a coup d'état, or even disqualify us from the Conference! ”

Savinkov was speechless for a while, and although he did not necessarily agree with Chernov's opinion, it was entirely possible that what he said could become true. The Bolsheviks had made it abundantly clear in their previous actions that they would not be polite to dissidents, and the lessons of the Cadets were there.

"There is some truth in your words, but I still think that it is better to prepare more early than to put all your hopes in the Constituent Assembly...... We can secretly accumulate military power, and if the Constituent Assembly fails, we can start an uprising immediately! ”

"It's ridiculous." Chernov scoffed at this. "How to secretly accumulate military power. Don't you see that? The Bolsheviks are in a nationwide revolt, and those suspected of counter-revolution will be arrested immediately, but you tell me how to avoid the eyes and ears of the Cheka and secretly accumulate strength! ”

"You're an alarmist!" Savinkov was immediately unconvinced, "It's true that the Cheka is rebelling, but you must also see that this institution has just been established, and its capacity is still quite limited, as long as we are more careful." You can avoid them completely! ”

"Nonsense!" Chernov's eyes suddenly turned red, "Cheka's ability is obvious, in the past half a month, how many of our comrades and colleagues have been planted in their hands, do you need me to tell you?" The Cadets have been tormented by them, do you want us to repeat their mistakes? ”

Suddenly, the radicals represented by Savinkov and the supporters of the Constituent Assembly represented by Chernov quarreled, and neither side could convince anyone, and for a time the Central Committee of the right wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party was more lively than a vegetable market.

On the surface, these two factions are purely a battle of lines. But in fact, in the final analysis, it is a conflict of interests. With Kerensky's arrest and imprisonment, and the split of the Social Revolutionaries into two parties, the left and the right. The struggle for power within the Socialist-Revolutionaries was fierce, and it was no worse than the atmosphere of struggle within the Bolsheviks.

In such an atmosphere in which there are no tigers and monkeys in the mountains, the bigwigs of the right wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party are bound to do everything in their power to compete for the right to speak, and Savinkov and Chernov are only two of the most famous representatives.

For example, the reason why Savinkov insisted on a coup d'état and a military struggle was not because he felt that he could only get out of power with a gun, and that he did not have such a high consciousness. The reason for such persistence is nothing more than that this product has a good relationship with the military, and has intersections with Kornilov, Karekin, Denikin and others, and represents the strength of the army in the right wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary. In order to cater to the requirements of the military, he will behave so excitedly and fiercely.

Chernov, one of the most famous theoreticians of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, oscillated between the center-left and center-right after the February Revolution. However, it was only from the April crisis of the Provisional Government of the Cadets that he established his rightist position with the accession of the Socialist-Revolutionaries to the Provisional Government.

From May onwards, Chernov served as Minister of Agriculture, but until he was forced to resign after the events in July, he was largely unproductive, and he was not even friendly to the peasants, the mass cornerstone of the Socialist-Revolutionary. During his tenure as Minister of Agriculture, his most important achievement was to prevent the peasants from spontaneously seizing the landlords' land.

And there is only one reason why Chernov is so attached to the Constituent Assembly, he has a great advantage in this regard, and it is also the same in history, he is the chairman of this parliament that was forcibly dispersed just after it opened. In order to use the Constituent Assembly to make a little more political capital, he certainly could not let Savinkov toss around.

Speaking of the political struggle after the February Revolution in Russia, it was really a confusing account, with all kinds of forces rising and falling, and you sang and I took the stage, while fighting against political opponents, and again actively fighting among themselves, that hilarious!

Take the Socialist-Revolutionaries for example, after the October Revolution split into left and right, and by the time of the three-year civil war, the right was not much in harmony with the military forces such as Denikin and Kolchak. The provisional government of Ufa that they had established was forcibly dispersed by Kolchak and then expelled from the territory by the later acclaimed general.

However, Kolchak's ending was not too good, and no matter how much the articles of later generations whitewashed him, how great he said, as if it was not that he was incapable, but that he was surrounded by pig teammates.

In fact, I personally think that this person is like that, whether it is military ability or political ability, it is quite average, even if he is not betrayed, the final result is not much better.

Of course, this is all for later, as Kolchak was still the commander of his Black Sea Fleet, tossing in the bathtub with the Turkish navy, which was not very strong, and while the right wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party was constantly strife, the Left Socialist-Revolutionary, which was from the same origin with them, had basically agreed with the Bolsheviks, although the differences between the two sides were still great on some details.

Unlike the right wing of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, who had a headache for the Constituent Assembly, the Socialist-Revolutionaries had a headache for the peace talks with Germany, and their main disagreement with the Bolsheviks. It is here, to be precise, the main disagreement with Lenin.

on this. There are also internal arguments among them:

Spiridonova's opinion was: "For those unrealistic demands and fantasies of the Germans. We must not compromise. The Germans are wolves, and if they feel that they have a chance, their greed will expand without limit, and their demands will become more and more outrageous! ”

Karelin also immediately chimed in: "The basis of our negotiations can only and must be no land and no compensation, the people of the country are watching us, if we exchange a humiliating treaty for peace, they will definitely not accept it!" ”

Fortunately, the left wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party is not entirely such "die-hards" who insist on not giving in. Bobrov, an old Socialist-Revolutionary, was more sober-minded: "I personally believe that under the present conditions, it will be very difficult to achieve an idealized result in the negotiations, the situation at the front is very unfavorable for us, and the masses in the country are strongly demanding an immediate peace agreement, coupled with the constant troubles of the counter-revolutionary parties." In this case, a certain compromise with Germany is understandable! ”

After Bobrov spoke, the Central Committee of the Left Socialist-Revolutionary Party fell silent. If you say this, you will probably reap the bricks that can build a building. But it was Bobrov who spoke. Then the meaning is completely different.

As mentioned earlier, Bobrov is a socialist-revolutionary with old qualifications, how old is his qualifications? Born in 1851, he joined the revolution in 1869 and spent his revolutionary career in arrest, exile and exile from the age of 18. Whether it is in terms of age or revolutionary qualifications, the vast majority of people here may have to call this grandfather.

Moreover, Bobrov's old qualifications are not only reflected in the left group of the Socialist-Revolutionary, but even the right wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party must sell face to this old man, in fact, in the entire Left Socialist-Revolutionary Party, the only one who can make the Socialist-Revolutionary Right give face.

Although he only rushed back to China after the October Revolution, he had a much more keen grasp of the direction of Russian politics than the younger generations around him who had lived in the country for a long time.

From the beginning, he felt that ending the war with dignity without ceding land and paying reparations was a dream, and that he would not let Russia get rid of it so easily if he was a German. He was close to Lenin's point of view, that an immediate end to the war was the most important thing, and that a momentary compromise and surrender were acceptable.

Later, after the Left Socialist-Revolutionary Party fell out with the Bolsheviks, when the rebellion in Moscow was launched, he clearly expressed his opposition, and even reorganized a "revolutionary communist party" with Kolegeyev, declaring that he would maintain a united front with the Bolsheviks, and the party became part of the later Russian Communist Party.

Today, however, even if the veteran Bobrov helped the Bolsheviks, no, Lenin to speak well, his views are hardly accepted by the mainstream left of the Socialist-Revolutionaries. The reason for this was that there was no agreement even within the Bolsheviks on a compromise with Germany.

“…… Trotsky, Stalin and Bukharin, also did not support a compromise with Germany, so I think it is untimely to express capitulationist views now," Prosham clearly objected to the old man's statement, "and such statements are very likely to give an opportunity to those rightists, who have been attacking us for almost half a month, and if we do not take measures to fight back, then we will be under a lot of pressure in the Soviet of Peasant Deputies!" ”

"But if we don't back down and the negotiations break down, the harm to us will be even greater!" Kolegaev said worriedly, "The millions of troops on the front line are all looking forward to peace, and if you can't satisfy them, you should know the consequences!" ”

However, Prosyan still did not give in: "Then in order to satisfy the soldiers, we must sacrifice the interests of the rest of the country?" Do you think that at that time, the rest of the class will give up? Anyway, my attitude is clear, any humiliating and unequal treaties are unacceptable! There is no room for bargaining in this! ”

What does it mean to be in a dilemma? Anyway, everyone present understands that it is almost impossible to satisfactorily solve the current problems, and no matter what you do, you have to touch the interests of a certain stratum in the country, but no one is willing to harm themselves and others.

In the end, even an old man like Bobrov had an incomparably headache, sighed, and quickly diverted from this topic that was easy to cause internal division: "On the issue of peace talks with Germany, let it go for a while, the Bolsheviks are still making relevant efforts, we can wait and see, and respond according to the specific situation." The most pressing question now is the formation of a new coalition government and how to deal with the question of the Constituent Assembly......"

However, to Bobrov's heart, the former question was fine, and on the question of the Constituent Assembly, their internal differences were still very large, because Prosyan immediately said: "With regard to the Constituent Assembly, we must pay attention to the fact that the Bolsheviks seem to have other ideas about the Constituent Assembly, and they are trying to replace the Constituent Assembly with Soviets...... It seems to me that this is very alarming, and the Constituent Assembly is of particular importance, and all political parties in all Russia must respect it, and not let the Bolsheviks come to it! (To be continued......)